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About Google Book Search Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web at|http : //books . google . com/| bp^ ari ^ /0^. /o HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY r V :op^ CiTi 'Tf 10 5. />-? HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY V V ROMANCES OF ROGUERY / AN EPISODE IN THE HISTORY OF THE NOVEL BT FEANK WADLBIGH CHANDLER IN TWO PARTS PART I THE PICARESQUE NOVEL IN SPAIN mi Neto gorfe PUBLISHED FOB THE COLUMBIA UNIVEB8ITY PBE88 BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON : MACMILLAN A CO., Ltd. 1899 All rights reserved tv I ■ ' « ) COPTBIdHT, 1899, Bt the magmillan company. Norfsootr 9t»0 J. 8. Ctuhing ft Co. — Berwick ft Smith Norwood Mat •. U.S.A. PREFACE This essay was submitted in partial fulfil- ment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Columbia University. The subject faUs naturally into two parts, the first dealing with the origin, rise, and decay in Spain of the romance of roguery, commonly called the picaresque novel; the second deal- ing with Spanish influence and native de- velopment beyond the Peninsula, in France, Germany, Holland, and England. The second part will be presented in a future publication, the research for which is abeady accompUshed; but the first part, now issued, besides treating Spanish picaresque fiction in full, together with the social and literary causes leading to its ascendency, is concerned outside of Spain with translations of these novels and their direct incorporation in other literatures. Vi PREFACE Hitherto, while no consideration of Castilian letters has failed to notice the picaresque novel, and its descendants abroad have met with fre- quent recognition, still a detailed or compre- hensive view of the growth of the tjrpe and an indication of its historical place in the devel- opment of modern fiction have been lacking. This the author has endeavored to supply. No pains have been spared in research. In all cases original editions, where available, have been consulted. The Library of the British Museum, the Bodleian, the Bibliotheque Na- tionale and the Bibliotheque de TArsenal at Paris, and the Ticknor Collection of Spanish books in the Boston Public Library have fur- nished most of the materials, and it is hoped that the appended Bibliography, as prepared in extenso from these sources rather than from bibliographers' manuals, may possess intrinsic value. In addition, there is given a brief list of those authorities chiefly consulted beyond the obvious general histories of literature. For kind suggestions and generous assistance I am indebted to my friends and associates. PREFACE vii Mr. John Ghtrrett Underhill and Mr. Joel Ellas Spingam of Columbia University. I also desire to acknowledge the uniform courtesy and the privUeges extended to a stranger in the Ubraries whose facilities I have enjoyed. But to Pro- fessor George Edward Woodberry, under whose unmediate direction this study has been prose- cuted and without whose unfailing sympathy iind aid it could have been of little worth, I owe the deepest obligation. My gratitude to him can find no adequate expression here. F. W. C. CoLtTMBIA UNiyXBSITT, June, 1889. p CONTENTS THE BOMANCB OF BOOUERT : J^S ORrSUNS AND BABLT i BNYIBONMBNT • >.*• • • • • • 1 > r ' '"HAPTER m L- THE SPANISH BOOUB O^CT — ~::»SCADBNCB OF THE PICARBSQUB NOVEL . 368 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...'..... 399 ix \ EOMANCES OF ROGUERY CHAPTER I THE ROMANCE OP ROGUERY : ITS ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT The romances of roguery which flourished through Europe in the wake of the Renaissance found their first and most characteristic devel- opment in Spain in the fiction of the gusto picareaco. But after a career of vagabondage at home, the Spanish rogue who took his birth in the bed of the river Tormes was naturalized abroad, in France, in Germany, in Holland, and in England. Wherever he came, his exploits and the tales devoted to them were modified, more or less, by the genius of the nation as -well as by the talent of transcribers. The 'fine French mind, bringing to bear its energies upon the cultivation of this type, produced, after a century of careful tending, the most perfect, if a blended specimen, in &il Bias. The Germans, B 1 2 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY who had experienced in the Thirty Years' War something of the same disorders which in the Peninsula had eariier called men to observing the pageant of life, found in Grimmelshausen one with sufficient skill to graft the Spanish branch upon the Teuton trunk. The Dutch, on French example and through political contact, brought forth a Nicolaas Heinsius, Jurior; and the Italians, least original here of all, were con- tent with transplanting into their language the primitive Spanish itself. But while the Con- tinent remained true to the main type, England, after a few inconsequential efforts, developed a species of her own, the result of native condi- tions, as the Spanish type had been. It was neither so amusing nor so influential as the lat- ter, but it is identified with the beginnings of the third and final stage in the evolution of fic- tion— the novel of character. The gulf be- tween the old story for the story's sake and the new story of the ethical life is bridged by these romances of roguery, reaching from Spain to England; wherever they appeared, they i marked a sure progression toward the modem ' novel. Thus there is to be discovered in them, not merely the sleights and shifts of vaga- [ 0EIGIN8 AND EABLT ENVIRONMENT S bonds and adyentiirers, not merely the earli- est and most vivid picturing of manners and times, but the organic growth of ipodern fiction. Although the picaresque^ tale was indige- nous to Spain, its elements had existed earlier and elsewhere in literature. The Greek novels had employed pirates and rob- bers with unfailing regularity. In them leaders^ of land and water thieves were prominent figures, although these as rogues could claim no merit or especial charac- ter ; for in the Greek novel, which was fitted to dive again only in the heroic genre of Gom- berville, Calprendde, and Scudery, even the rogues were heroes, not anti-heroes. The Plautine comedy had offered a nearer approach to the ideal of Spanish roguery in the JEpidicus, Mostellaria^ or Persa^ for the intriguing slave and the parasite of the classic stage bore some resemblance to the picaro living by his wits. Encolpius in the 8atyricon of Petronius Arbiter has been hailed as the forerunner of ^ Picaresque^ pertaining to or dealing with rogaes or pica- roons, from the Spanish picar^ to peck or nibble at ; picaro^ rogue, rascal, knave. 4 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY Spanish rogues,^ and the facts that most of the Peninsular picaresque authors were classicists, and that Petronius in the sixteenth and seven- teenth centuries had a special vogue, have been adduced as proving a probable bond between the Satyricon and the romances of roguery. But the low-life adventures of the decadent voluptuary or the excesses of the feast of Trimalchio have little in common with the shifts of the unfortunate rascal in service. The A99 of Apuleius in his changes of masters bore a closer analogy to the picaro and his vicissi- tudes than any other classic type ; yet Lucius, the man beneath the ass's hide, was no rogue, but rather the victim of unhappy chance and his own curiosity. Allowing, however, for the absence of roguery in the hero, the Golden Ass may be deemed an important model of the picaresque novel. Beyond the fact that many of its incidents were taken bodily into the Spanish and subsequent fictions, this fable undoubtedly furnished to the first romances of roguery iJan Ten Brink, Eene studie over den Hollandachen schelmenroman der zeventiende eeuw^ Rotterdam, 1886 : ^^Encolpius . , . sch^nt de eerste der vroolijfce picaros te zijn, wegbereider van Lazarillo^ Guzman, Fablo, Gil Blas^ Estevanillo en Mirandory *v^» V* ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT the essential idea of describing society throng! the narrative of one in servitude whose pas- sage from master to master should afford op- portunities for observation and satire, method of Petronius is faithfully copied even to the insertion of anecdote and extraneous incident, and the resemblance throughout re- mains too strong to have been purely fortui- tous. In the course of most of the Spanish novels, too, the Ass receives honorable mention, and the Pfcara Justina expressly proposes it among others as a pattern. But if Apuleius supplied the idea of the form of the romance of roguery, the content was a slow and independent growth of the Middle Ages. Below the level of fiction, these centuries had produced certain catalogues and classifications of peoples and events, examples of which may be found in the Bit sur les Stats du monde or the Dance of JDeath'i where the classes of society defile in the order of the social hierarchy. Here opportunity was given for a description of the ranks and conditions of the world. Death dancing with the Pope, the Emperor, the King, and through the whole series in succession down to the meanest thrall. The & 6 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY new fiction of observation availed itself of such scholastic schemes, reviewing distinctions of caste and remarking the traits of each profes- sion from the point of view of the servitor to each. The Raman de Renart also, with its masquerade andT bold parody, and its rogue hero, the fox, went a long way toward prepar- ing for the advent of the picaro. Those ani- mals, Renart, Ysengrin, Tibert, and the rest, were individualized characters, operated by human motives, and holding up the glass to human folly; nor was Renart the only rogue among them, but rather the most astute. Fraud and deceit were glorified ironically ; no class in society was exempted from attack, and the spirit of chivalry already found a foe. Inexhaustible in gayety and indiscriminating in satire, the Roman de Renart^ which would spare the villain no more than the chatelain^ was marked by its sympathy with the anti-hero, and from it to the picaresque novel descended perhaps the latter's best inheritance in its example of consistent roguery. In the early stages of the rogue romance at- (tention was bound to be focussed less upon tlie doer than upon the thing done ; the deeds proper 0BI6INS AND EAttLY ENVIRONMENT 7 to a rog^e therefore filled the foreground. Such deeds. are cheats, tricks, and frauds; and from time immemorial lists of these had existed as a part of the stock of popular story. Specific examples were presented in great numbers by fgidi£Lu^SLiid Italian novelle, in which a particu- lar style of anecdote dealt exclusively with the tricks played by one person upon another. The fabliau of the Three Thieves of Jean de Boves, or that of the Blind Men of Compeigne by Courte-Barbe, were episodes ready made and to hand for appropriation by the novel of the anti-hero, as were many of the Oesta BomanO' rum and some of the Cento novelle antiche. Massuccio, Straparola, Sacchetti, and Cinthio furnished sharping incidents later incorporated in the romances of roguery, and the series of cheats suffered by Calandrino at the hands of his brother artists, Nello, Bruno, and Buffal- macco, in the eighth and ninth days of the Beeamersn^ were essentially picaresque in kind. Moreover, aside from mere tricks, the novelle gave to the Spanish novel and its successors a host of gallant ruses and of tragic situations. Before the birth of the romance of roguery, however, separate accounts of wit employed at 4 8 ROBtANCES OF ROGXJElBir the expense of others began to be strung as anecdotal beads along the thread of a single name. Correlated cheats had suggested, as the connecting link between them, the cheater him- self. His name was that of one who perhaps had really lived and won a reputation for cleverness in dissimulation, although presently the fact of actual existence was disregarded and a fictitious name substituted. Here, then, from the deeds that he did the doer gradu- ally emerged; and this correlation of tricks reached its best and earliest development in Germany, although the same process was at work elsewhere. In the Pfaffe Amis of Der Strieker and the Til Eulenspiegel of Thomas Murner, the rogue of fiction began to draw breath, even if for a long time yet he could not venture to dispute an equal share of at- tention with that bestowed upon his actions, much less think to make them subservient to an interest in him for his own sake. The SchwUnke and Vblksbilcher were picaresque stories in embryo. They celebrated the court fools of German princes in books of roguery like Gregor von Hayden's Salomon und Mar- holph or Von der Hazen's Narrenbuch. They ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 9 showed the devil plotting mischief under a friar's frock in Bruder Bauach^ and they made even ^sop the subject of a rogue biography by Heinrich Steinhowel. At the opening of the sixteenth century, then, there was flour- ishing in Germany a popular fiction strongly allied, so far as mere roguery was concerned, to the later tales of the Spaniards. But the heroes of the SchwUnhe for the most part existed only as the sum total of their tricks; and while satire on the frauds of the world and enmity to the Church were in evidence, observation of life was merely incidental and not, as in the Peninsula, uppermost. Til JEu- v lenspiegel^ the best specimen of its class, the first printed edition of which is of 1519, bor- rowed from predecessors with both hands and without scruple ; but the only arrangement it made of appropriated facetiae consisted in group- ing those applicable to Til's youth, and those concerning his sickness and death, and be- tween these two extremes recounting in order his tricks before sovereigns and his stratagems against ecclesiastics, artisans, peasants, and inn- keepers. There was no connection between one event and another, and no attempted study of 10 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY manners; yet, all in all, this little work may be regarded as the closest approach to the $ picaresque novel antedating the appearance of V \ the Lazarillo de Tormea. Between the one and the other there was indeed a wide dis- parity, for the Spanish anti-hero had finally emerged from his acts as a distinct character in a real and interesting environment, while the Teutonic anti-hero was only a name, the souvenir of a traditional rogue dead by the middle of the fourteenth century, but to whom arbitrarily had come to be attributed ingenious cheats gathered here, there, and everywhere. An analogous but tardier development pro- duced in England the famous Scoggin, licensed as The 0-eyBteB of Skoggon in 1565-1566, and at- tributed to Andrew Borde ; while in its train followed the versified XII Mery Jests of the Wyddow Edyth of 1573, by Walter Smith, and the Merrie Conceited Jests of Oreorge Peele^ printed in 1607, its actual knave-hero having died in 1598. These all outran the ordinary English books of mirth in centring their tricks about a single rogue, with the separate ex- ploits sufficiently detailed to serve as parts of a picaresque sketch, yet failing still to t^ell ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 11 the storxjQfJbherascars life. The cheats of John Miller in the Merie Tales newly imprinted and made hy Master Skelton poet laureate li- censed in 1566-1567, were recommended in 1578 by Gabriel Harvey as surpassing those of Scoggin, Enlenspiegel, and Lazarillo ; but the collection in which they were contained, like most in England, sought no unity. In Italy the Solomon and Marcolphus legend from the East, which had played a part in France, in England, and in Germany, and early tried a Latin dress, found its leading role at the end of the sixteenth century, in Julio Cesare Croce's Vita di JSertoldoj but only after the Lazarillo had won fame in Spain, and then in quite a different field of roguery. The jests and wisdom of Bertoldo and his rise from peasant to privy councilor made him rather a hero of the people, like the English Jack of Newbury, than an anti-hero, like the picaro. In France, by the thirteenth century, a bold rogue, Eustache le Moine, had become the cen- tre of a versified JSoman, which set forth his life and deeds as thief and pirate ; and Rabelais, the arch-mocker, gave the fabliaux a new lease of life. His Gargantua, whose youth was spent 12 ROMANCES OF ROGUEBY In tricks and learning balivemeries^ proved even something of a picaro. In addition, moreover, to collections of face- tiae on the one hand, and to accounts of his- toric Robin Hoods of land or sea on the other, and distinct from them, the Books of Beggars occupy an important place, marking the influx into letters of actual and minute observation of rogues. These curious catalogues of the orders of rascals and their cheats, preceding or con- temporary with the appearance of picaresque fiction, were its invaluable adjuncts, and the collectors for it of raw material. The lAber vagatorum in Germany, probably of 1510, versi- fied in 1517, and reedited in prose by Martin Luther at Wittemberg in 1528, was the earliest volume of the kind. England followed with John Audley's Fraternity of Vacahondes in 1561, and Thomas Harman's Caveat for Common Cur- aetors in 1567. The latter was the basis for the conny catching pamphlets of Greene and Dekker, which in turn were to be revived in the next century by the Englnh Rogue and similar fictions. In England, as in Germany, a consideration of thieves' slang and a vocabulary were prominent features ; as also in the series ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 1 4t Beggar Books in France which began wi uja vie genereuse des mercelots^ ffueuz, et boeitnie. , ^ ^^ of 1596. The canting dialect was even mo^fcOJf^^^ exclusively the theme in Le jargon ou le langage de Vargot reformS and in the Responce et cam- plaincte au grand coesre %ur le jargon de Vargot reforms. In the Italian production of this class, however, Giacinto Nobili's H vagabondo of Ven- ice, 1627, only the thirty-seven orders of rogues were treated, their functions being illustrated by anecdotes. The Italian and German Beggar Books were mere amplified lists, while the French and English frequently advanced well within the bounds of fiction. The English did this more generally, perhaps, yet without at- j taining so definite a form as the French in La vie genereuse^ where the story, if it arrived nowhere, was autobiographical and entirely picaresque in character. In Spain, Juan Hi- dalgo in 1609 published his Momanees de ger- mania with the Vocabulario por la orden del a. ft. rum and its successors. Still more ex- plicit as to organized roguery was the J)e9' r 14 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY rdenada codieia de los hienes agenoB of 1619. •-''he latter, indeed, like Hidalgo's little work may be considered a kind of Spanish Beggar Book, although it embraced a distinct story and a long laudation of thieving and thieves besides. But though the picaresque novel unfolded y from other types and individual works, — the A98 of Apuleius and the medisBval reviews of estates contributing the plan, the Roman de Renart and tales of outlaws adumbrating the idea of abstract roguery, and compilations of tricks in facetiae and of observed cheats in the Beggar Books aflfording objective instances )of fraud, — the romance of roguery, in fact, rather evolved negatively from the notion of the anti-hero. As in the drama the mask with its solemn ceremony gave rise to the comic anti-mask, so in fiction the story of the hero produced the story of the rogue. Into the gap created by the recoil from the hero of fiction stepped the anti-hero of society, — the Spanish picaro. He was the parody in- carnate of the elder hero, the central figure of an opera-bouffe. But because observation and a return to nature were concerned in his very I being, the picaro trani^Qe^ded other anti-heroes. ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 15 / They might contrast one fantasy with another ; \ he must contrast the obviously real with the fan- a fl ^ itastic. A study of actual life was thus his aim4| ^?)B^ observation the method, and the most striking t\ things of everyday experience the subject, as 11 those of imaginary experience had been the// matter of antecedent types. Blatant sounds, pungent odors, what was crude to the touch and strong to the sight, appealed to him. No refinements could be expected from his story, nothing but a scrutiny through eager senses of what best would give them immediate satisfaction. The picaresque novel was thus grossly real and usual; more than that, it emphasized and made prominent in all ways the lower elements of reality. From the match- less knight or noble who was all perfection, it passed to the sharper, destitute of grace. The palace dissolved before the gutter, the tilting field before the hampa of Seville, and as the courage of the paladin was replaced by the clever cowardice of the pickpocket, so the war against monsters and enchantments succumbed to the common conflict against hunger and thirst. /Instead of portraying the whole of life, this reactionary fiction of the anti-hero was 16 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY confined to a world of its own, from which the better part of reality even was excluded. In form, the romance of roguery was a retro- gression and a rebeginning. The story for the story's sake had already reached a highly organ- ized form from centuries of cultivation ; but the new fiction disregarded the tradition of its predecessors, and proved the lowest type of book-organism. Its unity was an inferior unity, not that of time or place or action, but merely of the identity of the hero. It might run on indefinitely; it could and did accommo- I date endless continuations. It unrolled itself usually from the hero's own narration, as the easiest and most natural method of exposition, and since he could never tell of his death, he thus secured, by accident, a convenient jiledge to immortality. The only check his garrulity could receive was the unwillingness of his audi- tors to listen further. Formlessness and lack of restraint were accentuated by the undue attention paid to detail, and even in the beet specimens of the picaresque novel are to be discerned faults attributable to this want of symmetry and unity in the plan. ' The spirit of the story of the anti-hero vtba ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 17 necessarily satirical and corrective.: The world of actualities, although a fresh interest in it had been discovered, was depicted in order to be attacked. Nor, on the other hand, could extravagant ideals hope to remain unscathed. Whatever their merit, the novels of chivalry and of shepherds had taken themselves seri- ously. Humor had been inimical to them. Incongruities existed, but their business had been to shut their eyes to the incongruous. Like the lovely edifices of enchantment, at a peal of laughter within they would have come tumbling down, as Cervantes later proved. Already they were in danger from the laughter without; for the fiction of the anti-hero was bound to be matter of fact and comic where they had been serious and inflated; the influ- ence of satire to which it was subject, and that of mediaeval jest and farce, confirmed its comic drift, and if at first it failed to attack its rivals directly, the antipathy was always there by in- ference. Of the three competitors of the picaresque novel already in the field at its advent, it was prepared to oppose both the romance of chivalry and the pastoral; the novella it came \ 18 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY to reenforce. In the former two an imagi- nary free world had been contrasted with that actually about ; but the novella^ observing life in its simplest realities, abandoned the old expedients of the symbolic and supernat- ural. The matter of everyday experience, so long deemed unworthy the artist's considera- tion, had attained a value at the Renaissance compelling its recognition, yet the Italian novella shows but the beginning of this process, and it left no direct inheritance to later fiction. Pointing the line of development that should succeed, it might not itself follow along that way because of mediaeval limitations. In- stead, it supplied the European drama with a thousand plots, and through that medium, and in the shape of incident, reentered the stream of story transformed. But the roman de moeurs, and in consequence the novel of to-day, harks back to Spain and her rogue romance. In the Spanish Peninsula natural originality was only .quickened and not regulated by the Renaissance. The rediscovered joy of life found voice not in scholarship as in Italy, but preeminently in art. With the stir of great events and the mingling and contrasting of all classes of society in re- ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 19 awakened activity, the routine of actual life furnished there the substance for a fiction of immediate realities, and forced attention to itself. More important still, social conditions in the Peninsula provided just the soil adapted to the cultivation of the anti-hero as a literary / type. ^ For Spain in the sixteenth century was the nursery of the adventurer. A romantic war for faith waged at home against the Moor had ceased with the fall of Granada in 1492, but the adventurous momentum gathered then was only to be accelerated, not checked, by subsequent events. The menace of the Turk in the Mediterranean and the East had inspired bold hearts to rove the Atlantic to the south and west on a restless quest of discovery. The infidel enemy who barred the ancient highway to the Indies, and might not be overcome, must be evaded, and with such a lure a new world richer than the Indies was chanced upon. In the two Americas and Europe the age of the conquistador had come. United Spain was reaching out her arms to France, the Netherlands, to Germany and Italy. With Charles Fifth, the last and perhaps the 20 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY greatest of the paladins, immense activities had been launched out, and from , Africa to the North Sea, from Naples to the Pacific, Spanish dominion spread victorious. Accom- panying this expansion marched an unques- tioning faith in the Spanish destiny that was shared from the highest to the lowest. Patri- otic enthusiasm drove into the ranks of soldiers and sailors those who might not have entered there from any greed of gain ; and every tendency combined to exalt militarism and discourage industry. Feudalism, surviving in Spain after its ex- tinction elsewhere, crumbled now beneath the stress of new influences. In the transition from a mediaeval to a modern state, the nobles, the people, and the towns, losing old preroga- tives and limitations, gained others. No class was certain of its new functions, and confusion ensued. But as the nobility was deprived of power, the monarch and the people acquired it. Natural allies one of the other, the emanci- pated third estate sought service with the king; and the clergy, gradually detaching itself from Rome, ranged round the monarch also. Royal employment in one form or another was ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 21 alone worth having. Thus the only gate- ways open to advancement were the Church, the civil administration, and the army. Men of culture and distinguished talents welcomed service as common soldiers in the wars, but even the ignorant and the boors disdained to stoop to the patient business of life. More- over, the exile of the Jews and the increas- ing rigorous persecution of the MoHbcob^ which was to end in their expulsion by Philip Third in 1609, had dealt an irremediable blow to productive labor ; for the Jews and Moriscos were the only classes who had not succumbed already to the common contempt for toil. So long as military projects were all-absorb- ing and successful, the lamentable consequence of such conditions was not apparent. There was indeed a scarcity in comforts, a costliness in necessities, but the whirlwind itself was not to be reaped until the turn of conquest. And yet, before the retirement of Charles to Yuste, the vision of glory had begun to pale. Thrift- lessness at home had come to balance fortunate gains abroad. Great as had been the demand for men in the armies, not all had been able to I i 22 BOMANCES OF BOGUEBT secure a footing there. The general panic to serve the king to the sound of the drum had induced a movement which more than sufficed to replenish every gap that might occur. In America death in conflict was all on the side of the defenceless aborigines. In Europe, however sanguinary might prove the combat, there were those willing and waiting to step into the places of the fallen, eager to stand the risks of winning fame and riches. The military aspirants constituted a dangerous class in society ; those who had failed in attain- ing their desired field for endeavor refused any other. They were idlers ; and at Seville and San Lucar thousands who could not be accommodated in the fleets that weighed for the Indies, disappointed in dreams of discovery, joined their ranks. The plough and the shop in the provinces had been deserted by those who presently found nothing whatever to do. This nucleus of the vainly proud and discon- tented received continual accessions from suclx as had fought in the wars but returned at the summons of peace, their occupation gone. Laden with spoil, and arrogant as conquerors, they still held force their highest law. In an ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 23 excess of zeal for some decades, Spain had bent every energy to the prosecution of schemes of conquest; but, her acquisitions made, she was at a loss to proceed. The ways of peace had been forgotten, the arts of peace had been abandoned, the healthy and prosperous life of the nation had been sapped by the fever of insane ambition. And at just this moment, from Mexico and Peru, surged back the counter-current of returned adventurers. They had garnered a golden harvest for the asking, laying hands in a moment on what centuries alone could have accumulated. They despised any but the royal road to wealth, and they had come too easily by what they had to value or to guard it. Now the adventurer defeated saw in the ^ adventurer successful a ready victim. The stay-at-home, if he would not work or starve, must pluck the elated wanderer. And he soothed his conscience with the comfortable pretext that it was but fair the booty should be shared between them. The methods he em- ployed were deception and flattery. His wit suppUed the place of hands. He studied trickery vdth a care which, better directed. 24 EOMANCES OF ROGUEBr might have rendered him respectable. And by a paradox the very antipathy he had felt to the low and mean in life, to the humdrum and the commonplace, reduced him to a sordidness more miserable than any he had sought to avoid. Spain had never been free from the official parasite, the unscrupulous office-seeker haunting the ministries, and dogging the foot- steps of the great. In the catariberaa of the satirist are set forth these scraping knaves, momentarily content with the sop thrown them, but insatiable in their demand for more. Such superficially polished rogues reflected promptly the frauds practised by the more courageous non-producers. From the court to the kenneH truth was subordinate to policy, intrigue and j sharping were the rule, people lived from hand i to mouth and for to-day, and the spirit of \ chivalry eloquent in the old romances and in- \ carnate in Charles Fifth, remaining without I employment under Philip Second, turned toy roguery. The rim of the horizon had begun to contract, and the field of adventurous ex- ploit was more than proportionately diminished. Where Charles had been magnetic, Philip was sombre and cold. He dipped the pen where OBIGINS AND EARLY ENVIBONMENT 26 Charles had wielded the sword, and the bul- warks behind which he sought security were files of official paper. The father had been a mihtary leader, an inspirer of men ; the son was a bureaucrat. But omniscient as was his bureaucracy, the country already drained of its best men and resources was left to languish in exhaustion. Not only that ; for it was further ' so crippled by foolish legislation as almost to inhibit the natural recruiting of its energies. j Those peasants who had stood true to their vocation against the temptations of visionary wealth, instead of receiving a reward, met with nothing save oppression. Extortionate taxes were levied not so much upon the care- less adventurer as upon the frugal husbandman. His crops were disposed of standing to answer the King's demands upon him, and he was forbidden to go beyond a certain distance to sell what little he had left. Hampered by fatal restrictions, forced to stare starvation in the face, disregarded and despised, what won- der is it that the honest farmer, the manufac- turer, and the merchant gave up the battle as unequal ? Some there were who struggled on, but the abandonment of farms was widespread. 26 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY the wilderness encroached on lands that had been tilled, and although the Peninsula had become the envy of her neighbors for her bul- lion, she was the poorest of them all in the crying needs of common life. Lack of bread was the nation's nightmare. Hunger, '^ the evil of Spain," is a theme recurrent in the pica- resque novels ; and the character of the people, never gentle, grew steel-hard under the re- peated blows of positive suflEering. With Ferdinand and Isabella, the ideal of goveniment had been poUtical unity founded upon a unity in religion. The Inquisition had been instituted to secure the former by enforc- ing the latter. The Infidel who had borne the first assaults of this terrible engine might have felt some satisfaction of revenge when it was later loosed upon the Spanish people them- selves. It destroyed those whom it had been raised up to protect. It bred a sense of dis- trust, ferocity, and treachery where docility and simple faith might yet have continued. Its methods were essentially those to unsettle a belief in open justice, to inspire subterfuge, and to disrupt the family and society. Philip Second, the monarch who saw all but was never ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 27 seen, employed in the political government of hia state the same procedure that the Inquisi- tion had adopted to insure religious domination. Surveillance and secrecy, an elaborate system of espionage, were everywhere in force. The individualism in offence, which the foot-soldier had developed when the introduction of fire- arms made the infantry private as effective as the mounted noble, became an individualism in defence when the common citizen for pres- ervation must guard his word and person as rigorously as the hidalgo. It was each for him- self, and the devil take the hindmost. And this compulsory individualism of selfishness yoked with the fatalism that had descended from centuries of Moorish contact fostered a cruelty and an indifference to pain in others that became a trait of Spanish life and letters. Pity disappeared, although the shadow of it lingered in the popular treatment of beggars. These could outvie their better-known Italian brethren. Their name was legion. As in Italy, they congregated before the church doors and the monasteries. They thronged the highways and plied from town to town, chanting their prayers. Somehow they lived, L 28 ROMANCES OF R06UEBY and while thieving never came amiss to them, they were chiefly recipients of charity. Some- thing of pity must have excited such alms- giving, but in the main it was the result of a peculiar system. As the martial power had been shrinking, the ecclesiastical power had ex- panded. Across the Peninsula, near ten thou- sand religious houses swung each day their bells to matins and to vespers, and thousands on thousands of men and women passed their lives in devotion there, dependent upon their private fortunes or more often pious bounties for support.* They, too, were non-producers^ and a bond of sympathy linked them with the beggars, earlier strengthened by the institu- tion of orders of mendicant friars, and always supported by the prospect of rewards promised to those who should assist the needy. " The poor ye have with you always," was the dictum they accepted ; there was a certain satisfaction of caste in the fact. They — the monks and nuns — were the chosen seekers after a heav- enly salvation, one of the conditions of whicli was charity. It was the business of the poor, in their very necessity, to furnish the oppor- tunity for fulfilling that condition. Indeed, 0BI6INS AND EABLY ENVIRONMENT 20 it was regarded almost as a providential pro- vision that there should be any poor at all, else how could the religious achieve everlasting bliss? The monasteries, therefore, did dispense charity. The beggar and the vagabond need never faint by the way, although the hidalgo or the rogue in his pride might. The infirmi- ties of the unfortunate were regarded as visi- tations from above and punishments for sin, precisely as Job's counsellors had regarded his troubles. There was consequently more con- demnation than pity for the ou^jjast himself; but the assistance lent him was imended less as a temporal benefit to him than as an eternal benefit to the lender. In spite of royal edicts forbidding general almsgiving, the example and the motives of the monasteries prevailed with large masses of the people, and more espe- cially with those who were themselves reduced in circumstances. Such were already uncom- fortable enough to have their thoughts diverted in hope of relief to a future life, and were will- ing to purchase it at the price even of some furtlier deprivation in this. Moreover, they had nothing to fear from disobedience to the Eing^'s embargo. But the fortunate and rich ao BOMANCES OF ROGUERY found the present sufficiently attractive to neglect serious thoughts of a problematic fu- ture. To conform to the royal decree for them was easy, and they bestowed their gifts upon the rogues who flattered, in preference to the rogues who begged. But for the latter, as for the former, there was always a broad field of practical encouragement. In Spain everything favored beggary and vagabondage, from the advantages to be derived from this self-seeking scheme of charity to the climate itself adapted to an outdoor life. While the percentage of illegitimacy was always large, infanticide in Spain was uncom- mon, abandonment taking its place. And these neglected children, joining in bands for juvenile depredation, were feeders for com- panies of elder rogues. So great a scandal had they become, indeed, that in 1552 the Cortes was brought to consider them in a petition requesting the appointment of special officers to have charge of collecting and pro- viding with work the little rascals, who were running wild. The gypsiei^, also, who had entered Europe at the beginning of the fifteenth century, had car- ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 31 ried their vagabond invasion westward with wonderful celerity. From Bohemia they had overrun Germany, Switzerland, and France, appearing at Paris as early as 1427. The opposition they encountered in France, how- ever, as weU as their own restless spirit, kept them moving, and while some retraced their steps to Bohemia, more passed south to sunny Spain. Here they found a sky, a country, and a people peculiarly suited to their tastes. They as well were non-producers. They never SarSiJBHud I^^lure. They took her as they found her, reaping where others sowed, dis- daining to sow themselves. One art they practised ; for, sinister children of Vulcan, they were universal smiths. The glare of their forges at night lit up the solitary places. But for the rest they were horse-traders, cheiromancers, and cheats. The Inquisition mader them no trouble. They were not worth it. They had neither lands nor riches; and the Inquisition had ever an eye to con- fiscation. If the Jews and Moors had been bitterly attacked, it was through avarice and envy, for they were the Spaniards' superiors in culture and in wealth; but the gitanos 82 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY could offer no such recommendation to the notice of defenders of the faith. Accordingly through the portals of the Pyrenees they poured unhindered, and although many were left by the way in Valencia and Murcia, La Mancha and New Castile, by far the greater number reached their haven of errancy in Andalusia. For the Spaniard they were mere Egyptians; for the thrifty Moor they were charami^ robbers. "Not until 1499 did the government direct its attention to the pest which then had fas- tened itself ineradicably upon the Peninsula. In an enactment of that year at Medina del Campo, the Catholic Sovereigns commanded the gitanos to forsake their nomadic life and seek out masters or leave the kingdom within sixty days. In 1539 at Toledo, Charles Fifth added a penalty of six years in the galleys for disobedience to the previous enactment; and Philip Second from Madrid in 1686, confirming what had gone before, required that their com- mercial transactions be registered together with their names. But such hostile measures produced little or no effect upon the gypsies. They were quicksilver, and not to be subject ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 88 • to the finger of l9gislation. The seventeenth century in its provisions regarding them exhib- ited a progressive severity which only proves the inefficacy of each preceding efifort. In 1619 Philip Third banished them all within six months under pain of death ; providing, how- ever, for the reception in large towns of such as wished to remain and would abandon language, name, and dress. In 1633, Philip Fourth forbade any intercourse among them, institut- ing a heavy fine for dancing, and commanding an observance of the Christian religion. In 1692, Charles Second prohibited their congre- gation in a single quarter, their selling of beasts except with a notary's seal, and the pur- suit of any business save tilling the earth. Finally, in 1695, the same monarch, along the same lines, punishing strolling with the galleys, laid Ms ban upon their blacksmithing, or even their having horses. Well intentioned although futile legislation continued throughout the eigh- teenth century, but the old complaint of Dr. Sancho de Moncada, who had urged Philip Third to drive forth this people as he had the Moors, was never outgrown : " In all parts they are accounted famous thieves, concerning whom 84 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY wonderful things are written.'* If, however, among the wonderful things written of the gyp- sies the testimony of the romances of roguery be accepted, the conclusion must be that their relation to the army of picaros was one of juxtaposition rather than of interaction. Their methods were often the same. Fraudu- lent gain was their aim, and trickery their weapon. But the gypsies possessed no indi- vidual courage, no chivalry gone astray, such as lurked often beneath the rags or livery of the lowest Spanish rogue. They were of a different race, a meaner extraction, and inca- pable of broad conceptions even in roguery. In life they herded together, aflSliating with the picaro no more than with the rest of the world, and in the Spanish romances of roguery wherever they appear it is as his enemies or unworthy rivals. But the gitano played into the hands of the picaro, whether wittingly or not, by contributing to the prevailing disorder. Bands of gypsies, mustering a bravado through numbers, scoured the country from time to time, requiring the intervention of troops for their quelling. They were accused of poison- ing cattle and water, thus inducing a plague ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 35 in towns to be sacked when resistance was reduced to a minimum.^ It was common to lay to their charge as well as to that of the Moriscos the kidnapping of children to be sent for slaves to Barbary. Whatever truth there was in popular opinion regarding them, it is certain they were among the most unprofitable elements of an unprofitable society. Philip Second, whose nominal success in internal administration was neutralized by his signal failures abroad, had raised by religious intolerance a storm of protest in the Nether- lands that swept away completely the prestige of the Spanish army. Later, in his project against England he had despatched the Armada to destruction, and in the accession of Henry Fourth he had seen the death of his hopes regarding France. So when the reign of Philip Third opened, Spain had lost faith in herself by land and by sea. The consumma- tion of the country's industrial ruin followed shortly when with three days' warning the Moors were hounded out. Other errors, reten- tions of medidBval economic policy, produced ^ €.g. Logrofio; see Francisco de Cordova^ IHdascalia, Lugdoni, 1615, Cap. 50, p. 405. 36 EOMANCES OF ROGUERT their effect. The specie concentration was out of all proportion to the natural wealth. Prices were fabulously high. What exports there were must be raw materials, since, for manu- factured goods, Spain was wholly dependent upon importation. Heavy taxes, levies, and loans were more and more necessary. Already in 1673 and 1674 Philip Second was owing Genoese and Spanish merchants thirty-seven millions borrowed at twenty-two per cent, the interest on which he afterward refused to pay, it being conveniently represented to him that the contract on the part of the merchants was made "against charity and the law of God, and that but for some remedy, within a year he would not have a real for food." Sir John Smythe, sent by Queen Elizabeth to examine into the condition of the Peninsula, after com- piling an elaborate report, casting up the debit and credit of the entire realm, concluded that " little can be left over at the end of the year for so great a prince as the King of Spain since his expenses are immense and his kingdoms so dispersed."^ Philip's monetary needs may be 1 Sir John Smythe MS., Lambeth Palace, 1577. The con- troversy with the Genoese is reviewed there too at lengtli. ORIGINS AND EABLY ENVIRONMENT 37 further divined by his confiscation for five con- secutive years of all the gold brought from the Indies. The decadence was thus well inaugurated. The Spaniard, proud and idle before, became confirmed in his aversion to work. Cardinal Navagiero, on a mission from the Pope and mak- ing the tour of Spain in 1524, had declared of the people, "They are not industrious or frugal nor do they willingly till the earth. But they are given to other things, rather going to the wars or to the Indies to make their fortunes." ^ But the Indies and the wars were no longer the sure resort they once had been, and Seville, which, through the outpouring of adventurers, the Cardinal had remarked as deserted by its inhabitants and almost in the hands of women,^ was repopulated, in part at least, with the choic- est scoundrels of the kingdom. The valientea^ or bullies, formed a distinct class. It had be- come the fashion for gentlemen, who preferred not to soil their hands or expose their persons in conflict with an adversary, to hire a bravo to ^ II viaggio faUo in J^agna et in Francia, etc., YeneUa, 1663^ p. 25. s Ilnd.f pp. 13-15. 4r 38 ROMANCES OF BOGUERY do the business. Vengeance was wreaked and honor satisfied at a fixed rate, and paid assassi- nation, taken over as a fine art from Italy, prospered. Officers of justice were powerless to suppress such organizations of valientes^ and raids upon the watch by them and by the picaros were of frequent occurrence. Justice itself was thoroughly corrupt, and the severest sentence to be mitigated by a small bribe. Bands of robbers prowled in the mountain passes all-po- tent in spite of the Santa Hermandad, and the only safety for travellers lay in sheer force of numbers. A century after the observations of Cardinal Navagiero, matters had gone so far that Pedro Fernando Navarrete, in his Oonserva- dan de monarquias y diacurso politico sobre la gran consulta que el consejo hizo al Sr Rey don Felipe III^ exclaimed : " Traverse the fields once fertile ; you will see them covered with nettlea and briers, for there is no longer any one wlio cultivates them. The largest part of Spaniards do nothing to-day, some under the pretext of nobility, others because they prefer to beg. The streets of Madrid offer a singular spectacle. They are encumbered with do-nothings and vagabonds, who pass their days in playing ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 39 cards, in waiting for the hour to dine at the gate of convents, or to set out for the country to loot houses. What is worse, not only has this life of idleness been adopted, but the plazas swarm with adventurers and vagabonds whose vices corrupt all the town, and people the hos- pitals." An era of famous deceptions seems to have been inaugurated at this time in the Penin- sula. The pastry-cook, Gabriel de Espinosa, who in 1595 pretended to be King Sebastian of Portugal come back to his dominions seven- teen years after his defeat and death at the hands of the Moors in Africa, was one of the most picturesque of these sharpers. He hood- winked even the princess Dona Ana de Austria, a nun, and had for accomplice an ecclesiastic, Fray Miguel; but at last both he and his partner came to grief on the gallows in the Plaza Mayor of Madrid, while the princess and her maids were imprisoned and con- demned to penitential fare and silence. Like other impostors, the pastry-cook king was celebrated in contemporary pamphlets, a play was written upon him, and so late as 1835 this Spanish Perkin Warbeck furnished the theme 40 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY for a romance. Alonso Perez de Saavedra somewhat earlier won notoriety in the same kingdom as a false papal nuncio, and besides the dramatic renderings of his story, his autobi- ography appeared, « written with Ms left hand after the right had been struck off." The credulity of the age made pseudo-science, too, a profitable field for fraud, and Juan Arias de Loyola and Luis de Fonseca Coutiiio pretending to find the fixed point in 1603, or Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado humbugging hundreds with essences and alembics until forced to flight in 1609, were but instances of historic picaros, only too com- mon. The moral austerity which Protestantism introduced elsewhere in its attempt to revive the primitive simplicity of the Church, the In- quisition here successfully combated. Thus the seventeenth century in Spain found itself obliged to repent at leisure the mistakes of the sixteenth. Yet in art and letters it was a noble period. Just as the romances of chivalry flourishecl when the age of chivalry itself had declined., so the literary blossoming of the first third of the century occurred when root and branck of the social organism had become diseased. Ceir- OBIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 41 vantes, from suffering personal privation, cap- tivity, and disappointment, had been the witness of a series of national disasters that stung his patriotic soul to satire. As once in the heroic days men had spoken of Guzman El Bravo, so now in the days of anti-heroes, the merest beggar-rogue was for him ironically Cortadillo El Bueno.^ The lofty genius of a Calderon might woo forgetfulness of actual conditions in religious mysticism, but the Devotion of the Cross has sometimes to give way to a Mayor of. Zalamea^ the picture of a lawless soldiery in conflict with ancient ideals of honor. Religion and morality had been divorced, and even in his autos sacramentales^ Lope de Vega must express the perverted popular conception; for his Saint Diego of Alcala, who has robbed the larder of a convent, goes undetected and with sanctity preserved from stain by the miraculous transformation of his booty into roses ; while Moreto's comedy Ul imposible venddo shows a priest stabbing in jealousy the lover of his mistress. Of the literature of the Spaniards at this time, Sismondi's extravagant generalization 1 ;6iiiUe Chasles, Michel de Cervantes, etc., Paris, 1866, pp. 266 «eg. • > 42 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY is perhaps approximately true, — " not only is dissimulation crowned with success in their comedies, their romances, and their descriptions of national manners, but that quality absolutely receives greater honor than candor." ^ And if serious works unconsciously reflect a distortion of truth and justice, which was only too genuine, what should the comic talent yield which pro- posed to immortalize the avowedljTuhjust and ., f untrue picaro ? This rogue in life has been ^ll shown to be a product of the decadence. But V in literature he was a vigorous protest against it. And for that reason, the moral tone of the fictions of which he is the subject, is, after all, more honest and more healthful than that of the elegant efforts of the age. With all their pretence to be patterns of virtue there is greater danger in the company of Persiles and Sigis- munda, invariable in their falsehoods, told for the sake of falsehood, than there is in rubbing elbows with the worst lying cheat of the gu8to picaresco. The rogue of literature was only what he claimed to be. His creator, brought him forward expressly to expose in effigy the ^ Sismondi, Literature of the South of Europe^ 4th ecL, London, 1863, Vol. IL, p. £69. ORIGINS AND EARLY ENVIRONMENT 43 vices of the day. Taken from life, to be met with on the street at every turning, he was the ( best instrument for satire to be found. He was sure to be amusing, every nook and cranny of society was open to his exploration, and, best of all, his point of view was precisely the op- posite of the ordinary observer's. What he praised was infallibly blameworthy ; what he blamed was the really meritorious. This was understood by all, and constituted the humor of his life and story ; but the values of the good and the bad, forgotten and confounded through mere usualness in the common view, by this new device stood forth again sharply defined. The rogue did what the artist in the course of painting often does ; he inverted the picture. Turned upside down, the true color values reappeared in all their freshness; a finer appreciation was rendered possible for the chiaroscuro of vice and virtue. Thus social conditions in Spain in the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries furnished an ample pretext for making the literary reaction i expressive of a social one. The decadence ' presented all the material to inspire a cor- rective fiction; and the peculiar fovxa of that L 44 ROMANCES OF ROGUERT fiction was determined both by the foregoing literary development from which it recoiled and by the social facts and failures which it emphasized. CHAPTER II THE SPANISH EOGUB The picaresque novel of the Spaniards pre- sents a rogue relating his adventures. He is born of poor and dishonest parents, who are not often troubled with gracing their union by a ceremony, nor particularly pleased at his advent. He comes up by hook or crook as he may. Either he enters the world with an ' innate love of the goods of others, or he is inno- cent and learns by hard raps that he must take care of himself or go to the wall. In either/' case the result is much the same; in order to live he must serve somebody, and the gains of service he finds himself obliged to augment , with the gains of roguery. So he flits from one master to another, all of whom he outwits in his career, and describes to satirize in his narrative. Finally, having run through a variety of strange vicissitudes, measuring by his rule of roguery the vanity of human estates, 45 46 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY he brings his story to a close. Sometimes he has attained the modest satisfaction of his desires and is ready to relinquish overt fraud ; sometimes he is farther than ever from the goal ; and sometimes, asking with Gin^s de Pasamonte in Quixote^ "How can my story be finished if my life itself be not finished?" he promises more when he shall have lived it. ^ The device is a simple one. The anti-hero is everything and nothing ; everything in what he does, nothing in character. Yet weak and heartless though he be, his wit secures him immunity from contempt or condemnation. He \ has mirth and spontaneity, if he lack pity for the crippled, or if his sympathies respond only to exaggerated Castilian pride. Reprehensible in every way, we do not reprehend him, any more than we would Bardolph or old Jack FalstafE, although FalstafE is a lovable rogue where the picaro is often a clown. It is his nature > and not his fault. For the Spaniard acts, but rarely feels; he passes and repasses upon the scene, but scarcely wills. There is in him still a good deal of the marionette operated upon a single automatic principle. And this principle is always avarice. -/ _, THE SPANISH ROGUE 47 I He makes no friends whom he would not betray for an advantage, and his high^i con- ception of love is a profitable marriage.^Even passion is seldom a motive with mm, not because he esteems it less, but because he esteems material gain more. There are ex- cuses for his initiation into roguery, inasmuch as starvation is the alternatiye. He must steal the sacrament bread if his master, the priest, will allow him only an onion every fourth day for fare, and when once he has acquired the method, it is natural he should test it by universal use. He lives in a land and at a time with the battle for individual existence waging relentlessly. Tne real foe is nature,) though the incidental foe be his neighbor. In' a struggle for the survival of the fittest avarice becomes a saving virtue, and the avarice of the picaro is not the miserable thing it is with Harpagon. It is active, not passive; not retentiveness, but acquisitiveness. There lies the humor of it ; for stinginess is always mean, but thievery may often be noble. It depends solely on the magnitude of the theft. The rogue in every land holds up his head the higher and proclaims his kinship with Alex- f 48 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY \ ander. The conquering tyrant for Chaucer in the Manciple's Tale is a captain, while, as for the lesser rogue who — " may not doon so gret an harm as he^ Ne bringe a contre to so gret meschief^ Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef." Just this idea of paradoxical kinship between the highest and the lowest is the core and centre of every satirical romance of roguery, from the most insignificant of Spanish novelas to Field- ing's Jonathan Wild the Great. "At first only noble folk stole," declares Dr. Carlos Garcia, "but in time thievery became an ordinary pos- session, so that the biJtcher and porter took it up."^ The recoil of the anti-hero from the hero is here accentuated, and the Spanish rogue, who is precisely the porter and the butcher, or worse, for this reason can be only a rogue and not a villain. He may swagger and talk of killing, but he never kills. He does I not rob on the highway or break into houses boldly. He is an artful dodger, with too much, good nature and humor as well as too little resolution to wear the tragic mask. He msty ^ ^Desordenada codicia^ 1619, Chap. VL THE SPANISH ROGUE 49 be as coarse and as merciless as you will in his jests, but they are meant as jests to the last. Thus he stands midway between the mere jester and the villain; he is neither the court fool nor the pirate, but he has actual and literary affiliations with both. In the earlier stories of his life there is in him no evolution of character. After he has entered the kingdom of fraud his progress is simply one of increasing opportunity; and nothing ever offered to the picaro can he refuse. It is as though he had been deprived of the function of choice. Sometimes he is up and sometimes down; to-day rich and to-morrow ■ poor. But to him it is all one. The present alone is important ; he must take what comes. He does not despair, neither does he hope.^- His gamut of emotion is woefully little. • At defeat he shrugs his shoulders and plots how to make the best of a bad case. At success he snaps his fingers, gets drunk in the nearest venta, and loses everything by a throw of the dice, to begin all over again. It is no part of his avarice to harbor his resources ; all his ingenuity is expended in getting. Here he has infinite patience and skill. Beyond that 60 EOMANCES OF ROGUERY he has neither, and frugality is a butt for his ridicule. His childish vivacity makes him an enter- taining if a dangerous companion, when his pranks by themselves might weary. He is caressed by the great for the amusement he affords, and by the lowly for the genius he displays. He moves in the diplomatic circle at Rome with an easy effrontery, or bows be- fore royalty a^;£ienna with the air of a visit- ing emperor. iHis unflagging ambition has been to get oiFTn the world.^Yet if he attain the honorable office of fSWn-crier with Laza- rillo, of silk-merchant with Rufina and Don Jaime, or of keeper of a card-house with Estevanillo Gonzalez, he asks nothing more. Or if in misfortune he find a way merely to evade ill-treatment in the galleys with Guzman, or to exile himself to the Indies from the pur- suit of justice like Pablos, he will never com- / plain. (Lii^r^oT him is a problem to avoid, not / to solveX^XHe is employed only in gathering *^ data, crudVBensations, common experiences, with which he does nothing. Should he think at all, the rogue would be a pessimist extending the sway of ddsengafio (undeceit, unveiling), a THE SPANISH ROGUE 61 word forever in the Spanish mouth, from events of life to their meanin^?\ As it is, he will now and again verge upon a^ronflict with orthodoxy, and in the next Index Uxpurgatorius find his story curtailed by the watchful Inquisition; but because he does not think, the picaro can afford to be inconsistent. He may be seen kneeling in the hampa of Seville where Monipodio, king of the rogues, holds court, kissing the crucifix with deep de- votion, and rising to receive instructions as to his province of beggary for the week, to- gether with a list of knife-thrusts he is to ad- minister for pay. And when alguazils pursue, he will be discovered in the church clasping the altar for sanctuary, while the civil and religious authorities wrangle over the right to his person. But what he really believes beyond the testimony of his senses, he himself can hardly say. Take him all in all, he is singularly free from the credulity of his age. For the most part, superstition is held up to scorn and turned against its disciples. The miracles of indulgence-sellers are mere shams for Lazarillo ; Guzman declares he never pinned faith, to astrologers, however tempted to do so 62 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY in disaster ; Marcos de Obregon prides himself on his exposure of magicians' tricks ; Pablos pretends to supernatural power only to perpe- trate a cheat upon his landlady ; and Rufina and Garay with false alchemy wheedle a fdrtune from a seeker after the philosopher's stone. Still, the same Marcos who had been at pains to explain an apparition of the devil as pro- duced by a black dog with a chain of bells about his neck, gravely describes a ghost seen by Don Pedro de Avila; and his friend, Doctor Sagredo, in his travels encounters enchant- ments and peoples that might have staggered veracious Sir John Mandeville. Pindaro and Francisco, too, have a pass with a witch, find- ing a wax image she had stuck with pins to enchant its living original, whom only the ex- orcisms of a village priest can rescue from the evil charm. But' whatever the rogue's opinions, they do not stand for much. His emotions and beliefs are at a discount, as well as his volitions. He is the sort of agent most efficient, not in what he does, but rather in what he suffers. He is the person to whom things happen. His I vicissitudes are therefore more interesting than THE SPANISH ROGUE 53 himself. They begin at the beginning, for we find him born into strange conditions. Laza- rillo de Tormes is ushered into the world in the bed of the river from which he takes his name. His father is a miller, afterwards obliged to flee for bleeding his sacks, and his mother a lady who keeps an eating-house and becomes infatuated with a gentleman of color, the groom in a stable. Guzman de Alfarache sees the light as the result of an intrigue be- tween the mistress of a rich ecclesiastic and a Genoese usurer so religious that he has beads as big as walnuts on his rosary. Don Pablos for father rejoices in a clever barber, after- wards hanged, who teaches the boy to cut the customers' purses while he cuts their beards ; and both Pablos and Lazarillo de Manzanares are blessed with mothers noticed by the Inqui- sition for irregularities and witchcraft. Peri- quillo of the Poultry Yard is a foundling ; and the Fortunate Fool, Cefiudo, is abandoned by his mother, a poor woman married by law to a reluctant Licentiate of Alcala. The Ingen- ious Helen is the daughter of a Gallegan lackey and a Moorish slave, whose apostasy obliges her to keep one name for the house and an- w f 64 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY other for the street; while Teresa, the Child of Frauds, is born of a laundress in the Man- zanares, like Lazarillo in the Tonnes. There is never a rogue of them all but finds the way- paved for a cheating career. Nor does it take long to set forth upon it. Lazarillo commences service with a blind beggar who has promised to treat him as a son; he receives the advice from his tender mother, " Look to yourself for the future, and farewell ; " and the need of sharpness is made manifest when the blind rogue, asking the boy to listen to the strange noise within the stone bull carved on the bridge at Salamanca, knocks his head violently against it, and then burst* out laughing, telling him a blind man's boy should have more cunning than the devil him- self. At which Lazarillo declares, " It seemed to me as though that moment had awakened me from the simplicity of childhood, and I said to myself, 'The old man speaks truly. I am now alone, and if I do not keep a sharp look- out for myself, I shall find none to assist me.' '' Others require no instruction at all. Peri- quin, born by a fortunate token feet first, as soon as he can walk makes friends with a THE SPANISH ROGUE 66 neighboring tavern, where he receives and ap- propriates gifts. Justina, the daughter of the rascal innkeeper of Mansilla, is astute enough without any of the comprehensive counsels published by her father to guide his family m fleecing guests. Andres, whose parents are honest people, but maligned, he says, by ^e wicked on the plea that they have cut off the silver hand of a St. Bartholomew, purchases his own reprieve on the condition of executing them, and does it with less compunction as there will then be left alive some one to pray for the deceased. Trapaza, whose mother is a widow before she is a wife, her lord having broken his neck in an attempt to escape jail, evinces admirable light-fingeredness as a babe, and as a boy becomes addicted to gaming, which with the reading of Martial constitutes his whole education. Some of the Spanish rogues begin at school, where their pranks and their hardships, like those of the Witty Buscon, are capitally told. More set out like Marcos and Alonso by making for the university, presently to be drawn away by the temptations of a freer existence, or per- haps with Don Gregorio Guadana failing to 56 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY arrive at all. But most commence by going in quest of adventure, the recipients of mater- nal advice, "worth much and costing little," as one of them says, entering life immediately and through no academic limbo. Such in later years are likely to appear at Salamanca or Alcala to study theology with Guzman, or to confound by riddle-answers the propositions of the Doctors, like Lazarillo. But beyond this, in youth or age, service, travel, and fraud divide the picaro's time. Now the rogue is a soldier and forced into battles from which he takes refuge in a hay- cock; afterwards bragging of his valor with the best. Now he is plundered by the gypsies and left shivering at their forge-fires until dressed in the rags of the first deceased and inducted into the cheating mysteries of Egypt. At Valladolid or Madrid he is a courtier, and with ruse upon ruse all but wins the hand of a noble heiress or a rich widow, whose fortune, had he captured it, would have run through his fingers like water, and done him no more good. At Seville he is a porter engaged, in unlading the caravels come from the Indies, or a charlatan peddling face-washes and denti- THE SPANISH KOGUE 67. frices. Here he is an olive-picker and a / mason ; there a watcher of goats, and a water- carrier. Sometimes he is an itinerant actor/ and the veriest supernumerary, taking money at the door, writing posters, filling the role of the dragon in autos or that of the corpse in trag- edies, mending the costumes between-whiles. Sometimes he is a poet, composing romances | more ingenious than inspired, or else a barber's apprentice, inadvertently carrying off an ear by a flourish of the razor, in spite of having practised already upon long-suffering beggars. As silver-boy, cook, and major-domo he hasj fruitful expedients for enriching himself. As physician he goes about gravely on his mule 1 telling people what they know already, but using long words to do it. He is familiar with the orders of knaves, — the Dacians, who maim infants with which to beg, the " drawers of wool " who snatch capes in the dark; and he himself crouches with painted ulcers before the church door, soliciting alms. As a hermit he receives the profit of a reputation for sanctity and of receipts from the sale of stolen goods. , As a mock saint he parades the streets, cry- ing, "Praised be the Holy Sacrament," ask- L v^ 68 ROMANCES OF ROGUEBT ing contributions for those in prison, while his accomplices stitch sheets and pillows for the hospitals. But at night when the door is shut all are merry within to their hearts' content. Confirmed in his wandering, ^inns have an unfailing attraction for him, and half his life is spent within and between them. Although he may conclude that the tavern boy has a worse lot than the leader of a blind man, yet in the caravansary he is certain to become everything from hostler to proprietor. He can don a disguise or hide in a chest with the most consummate of Italian intriguers. He has devices for outwitting jealous husbands, learned in the school of experience, and taken from Italian novelle. New-born children utterly ' unknown are confided to his care, and myste- rious caskets of treasure unexpectedly reached forth from doors for him to take. In the Mediterranean he never hoists sail but a fleet of Moorish corsairs bears down to bundle Ilim off to Algiers, where his Mohammedan mas- ter's daughter will fall in love with him, ancL finally effect his escape. In the Atlantic, storms and pirates set him confessing his sins. He visits the Indies, and like Pindaro, tlxe / THE SPANISH ROGUE 69 Soldier, declares that all he saw is worth no more than a Guadix melon, or he pushes on beyond like Sagredo into unknown waters to the island of a new Cyclops. From Poland to the Netherlands and the Kentish coast his travels keep him busy. He wanders over the Peninsula, describing the cities and the shrines. He finds a favorite stamping-ground in Italy, at Naples, Rome, and Milan, and though he may be robbed by a Sayavedra at Siena, or tricked by a Dona Camila at Venice, he is alert and observant everywhere. Through every adventure the rogue is sub- ject to events. He is a bark beateu hither and thither by the waves of chance. Some he surmounts, others bear him down. Buf- feted on one side, he veers to the other. Op- posed in front, he falls back into the trough of the sea. He has never gained steering- way ; he can have or hold no course, and the idea of will as conquering fate is never dreamt of by him. For such a voyager the most that can be asked is a fair wind and current to bring him sooner or later to his haven. Every- thing is dependent upon these, and nothing upon him. The rogue himself is therefore N 60 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY almost a convention, a pivot about which a ' description of society in classes and manners turns ; and in the earlier Spanish romances of roguery we do not so much look at the rogue as borrow his eyes with which to look at the world. The society, then, which the picaro traverses is the main thing; and although his satirical bent may lead to occasional caricature, the pic- ture he presents of contemporary life must on the whole be faithful, for its very success arose from an appreciation of its likeness as a portrait. But in the description there is no order other than that induced by the order of the hero's adventures; and whatever se- quence these preserve is rather a reversal than an observance of that in the medissval satires. Instead of reviewing the social classes from the highest to the lowest, as had been tlie case in the Dance of Deaths the picaresque novel was prone to lead from low estates to higher, where any scheme of progress is found at all. Thus Lazarillo, commencing his career as the leader of a blind beggar, the greatest rascal in the world, passes to a skin- flint priest no worse than a miser, and then to THE SPANISH ROGUE 61 a poor e9cudero^ whose only fault is pathetic pride. Guzman de Alfarache, who serves an innkeeper and a cook, rises to be a cardinal's page and the petted favorite of an ambassador before falling to disgrace. Others, however, and most, change conditions without principle and by chance. In the Desordenada codicia^ the hero, from a goldsmith's apprentice, be- comes a professional rogue, and finally a con- vict in the galleys at Marseilles. The Bachiller Trapaza, too, must row for the king, being sent to the oar through the jealousy of his mistress, after impersonating a nobleman at Salamanca, engaging with an hidalgo as poor as an an- chorite, and attempting a fraudulent match. Estevanillo Gonzalez, in all his life of chaotic variety, accepts whatever is presented to him, and his hurried adventures tread on one an- other's heels in a perfect rout of disorder. He is a barber, a sharper, a cook in the navy, and a cook on land, the surgeon of a hospital, a scullery boy, an alguazil, a robber, and a mock pilgrim. He plays the charlatan, the pedler, and the soldier. He is vivandero of a company, a court-buffoon, a mock dentist and physician, and a diplomatic envoy. From his younger X 62 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY to his elder years, the only advance made is a certain familiarity with the great, acquired through his office of jester. Alonso, the gos- siping lay-brother, the servant of many mas- ters, as the story styles him, goes through a range of similar vicissitude with no more rea- son. He bears arms, serves a sacristan and a nobleman, acts as secretary to a judge and aid to a physician, becomes in Mexico a rich mer- chant and at home a poor player. He is drudge to a convent, an accomplice of gypsies, the guardian of a love-sick maiden, apprentice to a painter and a wool-carder ; and taken cap- tive into Barbary, after performing in a trag- edy before the Moorish court, he is ransomed by the Santissima Trinidad, and returns to end his days as a hermit. In and out the shuttle- cock of fate bore the picaro, weaving his story in haphazard design, although the warp an.d woof in the society described was practically uniform. These artless romances of roguery in Spain, it is especially to be noted, were the work of men who were neither rogues nor yet essen- tially reformers. In England in the seven- teenth and eighteenth centuries, by contrast. THE SPANISH ROGUE 63 the authors par excellence of picaresque books were veritable rascals or those desirous of cautioning others against them and bringing the fallen to grace. Thomas Nash in Jache Wilton did compose a story meant merely to amuse; but the great majority were actuated by practical considerations, from Harman, con- cluding his "bolde Beggar's booke" with the wish that its subjects might "amend their mysdeedes and so live unharmed," to Daniel Defoe, demonstrating to criminals condemned to transportation that repentance might yet bring prosperity overseas. As for rogue au- tobiographies, written by those who in the clutches of the law had turned penitent and yearned to guide others aright, they were innumerable in England, from the Life and Death of Gamaliel Ratsey of 1605 to the Me- moirs of James Hardy Vdux of 1819. In Spain, however, the romances of roguery were dis- tinctively libroa de entretenimiento ; their end was entertainment, and their creators, standing high in the state, the professions, or literature, simply assumed the rascal's rags for the mo- ment. The Spanish tales, certain therefore to be more literary performances than the Eng- / / 64 BOMANCES OF BOGUEBT lish, contemplated reform only indirectly, in so far as satire is always corrective. Yet, from the first, the Spanish picaresque author was fearful of being identified with his anti- hero, and often found himself forced to main- tain his own integrity by declaring a moral purpose scarcely shown in his work. Ale- man was careful to state that he had written Guzman de Alfarache for the common good, and Alfonso de Baros, chamberlain of Philip Third, in his eulogy upon the author, said pointedly that in Aleman's life was to be dis- covered the antithesis of his book. Espinel announced of his Marcos de Ohregon that there was not a leaf that had not its particular pur- pose beyond what superficially appeared. Dr. Carlos Garcia said of his Desordenada codicia^ in the words of the English version of 1638 : "This booke discourseth not so much of the antiquitie of theeves and of their cunning slights, as to teach thee to eschew them.'* Solorzano, in the preface to the 0-ardufia <2e Sevilla^ affirmed that to great princes ha.<3. been offered works of this sort, acceptable less for what they set forth than for their aixxx, which must be to improve manners/ and $tc5L^ THE SPANISH ROGUE 66 vise the incautious. Picaresque productions were justified by Quevedo in his remarks pre- fixed to Tovar j Valderrama's Don Raimundo el entremetido^ on the ground that vices seen in others cause greater abhorrence than those examined in one's self; and Ben Jonson ex- pressed the same idea in the verses he wrote \ for Mabbe's English Chuzman. -— ' Beyond all this display of virtuous intent, the actual development of moral quality in the rogue story could keep pace only with the emer- gence of the anti-hero. The jest-books and lists of tricks had not touched morality, which can have no existence except with reference to a person ; and when, as a matter of fact, that person began to be in evidence as set over against the things he did, the action attributed to him had little in it to arouse the moral sense. In the picaresque novel in Spain moral re- flection may be encountered here and there inchoate in the narrative, but nowhere digested and become a part of its very life and tissue. Aleman confessed the moralizing scheme of most others when he admitted, ^^Nor is it any impropriety, or beyond our present purpose, if in this First Part I shall set before you some 66 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY i 'J Tracts of Doctrine." After him, readers of the romances of roguery were obliged to take the edifying along with the agreeable, unless a Le Sage would furnish, as he did for this particular work, an edition, ^*"purg6e des moralitSs taper- flties.^^ Andres Perez, later, in the Picara Juatina^ not content with so much of the edifying as he could distribute through the text, added profitable remarks at the close of each chapter, and a morally discursive style became the ear- mark of the picaresque novel. The acme of confusion was achieved by the Donado hablador; but as the Lazarillo de Tormes had escaped this besetting sin, so the late tales of the class showed an improvement from it, and an early one, the Bu%con^ was commendable for its straightforwardness. In the romances of roguery, sentiment was impossible except as it might enter into in- terpolated episodes that were unpicaresque ; and the licentious, which in Italy had stamped the novelle^ left no trace upon these Spanish fictions. They were sometimes broadly coarse as with Quevedo and P^rez in quite the same manner that Eulenspiegel had been smeared with honest filth in Germany, but like him tlaey ■"NT THE SPANISH ROGUE 67 were never obscene. The seasoning of Gallic salt was added to taste in a Francion^ but only- north of the Pyrenees; and even there it was not a popular condiment for this kind of fiction. The absence of sentiment on the one hand, and of erotic elements on the other, made the pica- / resque treatment of love and marriage distinc- tive. What constitutes so important a feature of the modern novel, then, in this, its forerunner, was almost lacking. Of real love there is none. Guzman de Alfarache, passing sleepless nights and dreamy days at Alcala, believes he has ma- triculated in the school of Cupid, yet he admits \ that after all he is the creature of a blind in-v^i stinct. The true creed for all rogue-affection is given by Justina in a couplet, — Tanto crece el amor quanta la pecunia crecCy Que hoy dia todo d SI se rinde y todo le ohedece, L#ove bears a direct proportion to wealth, and there are only three reasons, says the picara, for a woman's falling in love. First and foremost is interest ; second is the joy of see- ing a man her slave ; and third is the fact tliat surrender is the readiest relief from im- portunity. Ironically, however, matrimony in \ 68 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY most cases is shown defeating its own mer- cenary purpose, leaving the lover worse off in his wedded or widowed state than ever he was before. Guzman cries out, ^^ I married rich, and married I am poor ; happy were the days of my nuptials for my friends, and sad those of matrimony for me ; they took the good and went to their homes, I was left suffering the evil in mine." This particular wife and her dowry he loses by death, and another, after keeping him in funds by play- ing her charms on generous admirers, runs off with his goods and a ship-captain ; and still he is incorrigible, declaring that whatever wears a petticoat seems to him the goddess Venus. Alonso, however, has no better for- tune, for married to a rich midwife with grown sons, she makes him wear her first husband's clothes which have gone out of style, assist her in trade by announcing to pleased parents the sex of their offspring, and when the lady dies, Alonso finds himself as destitute as before, for the sons snatch all of her property. Courtship for the picaro is rarely easy, and Marcos in this respect fares as badly as the rest, since, having arranged to THE SPANISH ROGUE 69 summon a pretty Vizcaina at night with a cat- call, he is mistaken for a real cat and pelted with missiles, and, attempting a second inter- view, he is set upon by four men, who thrust him into the wheel-pit of a mill. In his devo- tion to another lady he is tricked and locked in a well-room, and his advances are so alto- gether unsuccessful that he continues single to the end. The women are all fond of the window, and inconstant as the moon. Estevanillo's first mistress, when he gives her a room that does not look out upon the street, leaves him in dudgeon ; and another, reproached with in- fidelity, steals all his belongings and departs. Rufina, who is married to an Indies merchant after an eight-days suit, tires of him because of his age, moderation, and economy. She accords her favors to others, among whom is a gallant who gives her a gown he borrows from a neighbor, and then dressed as a servant obliges her to return it to him in her husband's presence.^ By her charms she defrauds a miser, an alchemist, and a hermit, who make advances ^ From Decameron, 2d story of 8th day, and from a fab- liauy Barhazan and Meon, Tom. 4, 181. L TO BOMANCES OF ROGTJEBT to her, and even outwits her faithful accomplice in cheats to marry auother rogue. A lady with a reputation not entirely spotless is espoused by Lazarillo during his career in the sea, and on land he is the complacent husband of an ecclesiastic's mistress. The rascal hermit of Luna's Lazarillo continuation is only re- ceived in matrimony on agreeing to six arti- cles, to the effect that he will not enter the house when he sees a vase at the window, by that token knowing his bride to be en- gaged, that he will hide should gentlemen come when he is at home, and that at least twice a week he will bring some friend to regale the whole household with a ^^hiten gau- deamna," The formality of seeing a curate is easily dispensed with, as the essential of marriage consists in the conformity of wills and mutual intent. Nuns seem to be the objects of a futile but common passion. Guz- man condemns a friend for such an infatuatioEi, finding him disputing with a nun on whiclx is better in love, hope or possession. Tl^e Fortunate Fool overhears himself accused of talking so much that he must needs be a devo^o of the nuns, and Pablos peers through tlx© THE SPANISH ROGUE 71 choir-grates at church, coughing to attract his love's attention. He waits about sanctuaries hopelessly, and in the convent courtyard he meets others as mad as himself, posing there only to gaze upon a woman through a grill or glass like some holy relic. V^ e picaro's true province in love, however, / ^ +* best exhibited in the cheating marriages he ) plans and perpetrates. Pablos himself is adroit at this game. He pays suit to his landlady's daughter, pretending to be very rich, and counting over and over again the same fifty pieces where the jingle of coin will be certain to be heard by his mistress. He writes tender letters, and in disguise calls upon himself ask- ing for the lord of so-and-so. Again, with the hope of securing a rich wife, he hires a horse and wedding clothes, and is devoted to an heiress, making a point of entering the good graces of her elderly female relatives, speak- ing of his great income, and declaring he will never marry for wealth. As an investment, he tenders a collation, begged and borrowed, which! succeeds well enough until he is recognized, j Then in spite of playing a strong game of pre- , sumption he is flogged. The Bachiller Trapaza' V 72 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY tries similar tactics upon a beautiful heiress. At night he serenades her, but being no mu- sician, hires another to do the singing, and un- fortunately is exposed by a rival. At another time he employs a more elaborate trick upon a lady whose picture he has secured. He pre- tends to be robbed near her residence, is re- ceived there, and the picture and forged papers being found upon him, he tells a story of his noble birth and great possessions, and how hav- ing fallen in love with this miniature he re- linquished all else to the robbers rather than be deprived of it. The deceived lady is about to reward him with her hand when, the fraud being discovered, he is scourged by farmer boys. These beatings are a frequent outcome of love- deceits, as Cefiudo discovers to his cost ; for, only a page, he feigns to be a rich gallant with estates abroad, and makes a lady believe her- self already queen of the Indies. When the truth dawns upon her, she lures Ceftudo to the Prado, where he is drubbed with wooden pat- tens for his impudence. Periquin, if he is not so punished, deserves it, for he pays court to the daughter of an apothecary, pretending to be of Mondragon, a town " where all are noble," THE SPANISH ROGUE 73 and the nephew of his Majesty's physician. He writes a commendatory note regarding his own qualifications, but by ill-luck is recognized, and the apothecary, whose dreams are dashed, is as sorry as Periquin himself. The Sabia Flora Malsabidilla is chiefly occupied with attempt- ing a marriage-cheat upon an old lover of hers by whom she had been known as a gypsy ; and Teresa de Manzanares, the actress, befools a perulero returned from Lima into believing her the daughter of a Castilian hidalgo. Later, as a widow for the third time, she dresses up a slave girl, and passes as her aunt, fleecing two rival gallants who are kept at a respectful dis- tance, although allowed to vie with each other in giving presents to the pretended niece. Cer- vantes, in the Casamiento engafloso^ paints an admirable picture of a doubly fraudulent match, for Estefania, a serving-maid who apes the fine lady, makes love to Lieutenant Campuzano, who appears rich, but whose jewels are imitations. They marry, each rogue deceived in the other, and Estefania, when she hears that Campuzano knows of her cheat, comes off confidently with the false jewels, and Campuzano tells the -whole story as a joke to a friend who dines I 74 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY with him. In the Q-uia y avisos de forasteros^ Bonillo, a rogue, cheats a rich countryman and his daughter, declaring he will marry the lady and give her brother charge of his estates. The countryman, overjoyed, settles a dowry of half his fortune on the pair, and going to bed plain Sancho rises Don Sancho. To the daughter the picaro has promised she shall ride in a coach, and when tired of that in a chair of damask, all gold and azure, with two Barbary slaves to bear it. The girl's head is turned, but the rogue being just then arrested on an old score and sent to the galleys, Don Sancho becomes Sancho again, and Dofia Maria, poor Mari-Hernandez. A widower accepts her child as his own, marrying her, but he uses a stick on her shoulders daily because her eyes will still be wandering after every foreign gallant passing through the village. Such is the unsentimental love set forth by the pica- resque novel with no little humor, for iunaor is its necessary qualification. Where seriousness marks the handling, as in many of the inserted episodes in the various fictions, and throughout in the Soldaao Pindaro^ there the anti-hero is no longer to the front nor properly the theme ; this X THE SPANISH ROGUE 76 treatment of love is simply the most comprehen- sive example of that of any passion or emotion. These stories in Spain were studies of man- \ ners, not of character, and adventure served ' 7 with them as a basis not for strong situations of- ' ' heart and conscience, but rather for observation and description of externals. Almost exclu- sively, therefore, narrative prevailed, and even where dialogue was perforce the rule, as in the fictions dramatic in form, it did little to eluci- date character. The anti-hero, who had all his attention diverted to the world without him, immoral and unfeeling, was barely conscious of himself or of his mission as an anti-hero. Ber- ganza in the Coloquio de los perros might remark the difference between the shepherd of the pas- torals and the shepherd of reality, who spent the day in shaking off his fleas instead of piping to a shepherdess, but the picaresque novels in Spain had little direct invective against the romances of shepherds and of chivalry. Don Quixote alone made an organized attack upon them ; but the anti-hero, who was more closely allied to Sancho Panza than he was to the mock hero, Quixote, presented simply the reverse side of life, leaving the reader to draw his own inferences as to the 76 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY absurdity of anachronistic knights and impossi- \ ^ble shepherds. Moreover, Spanish authors of rogue romances were not so unflagging in their devotion to the picaro and realism that they could afford to carp at the heroes of idealism. Christoval Suarez de Figueroa, if he wrote the Passagero, had also written the dull and more famous Oonatante Amarilis; Alonso Castillo Solorzano by no means forsook romantic tales of intrigue when he patronized sharpers and vagabonds ; Cervantes himself had composed a Q^alatea and was preparing a Persiles y Sigismunda ; and the Diversas rimas of Vicente : Espinel had nothing in common with Romances \ de germania^ or with the exploits of Obregon. In France, however, the anti-hero as such came to full consciousness ; for although Bar- clay, the author of Euphormio^ fathered also the Argenisj and Sorel with his picaresque tales composed as well Nouvelles chouieB of old erotic and heroic stock, still those who espoused the cause of reality there were consistent for the most part in maintaining its claims. JDan Quixote had taken the lead, setting an ex- ample of direct onslaught that was aptly fol- lowed when the new exaggerated fictions, froai -U THE SPANISH ROGUE 77 VAitrSe down, began to appear. In spite of their generally favorable reception, these heirs to the Greek and Amadis novels encountered powerful opposition, which minced no words, but declared its antagonism specifically in such works as Le Gascon extravagant Le chevalier hipocimdriaque^ or the Berger extravagant^ whose alternate title was nothing short of L^anti-roman. The anti-novel and the anti-hero attained their heyday, then, in France ; for in Germany and Holland imitation did no more than take over the French fashion ; and in England the emer- gence of the anti-hero from his deeds went so far that he became worth while for his own sake, without reference to the hero whom first he had arisen to combat. From a review of mere actualities in Spain, the story of the anti-hero led through a phase of self-conscious hterary recoil in France to the beginnings of a study of anti-heroic character in England. With the English romances of roguery, accord- ^ ingly, the interest centres usually in the in-/ dividual actors, with the French in the formal , f^ •'• and literary aspect of the work, while with the ' \' Spanish it is focussed upoi) the society so critically observed. ' \ CHAPTER III SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE In the social world through which the Spanish picaro forges his way, the army, the law, the Church, and medicine share the pro- ■^ \ fessional honors; whUe students, pubUcans, robbers, gypsies, and Mariscos^ hidalgos, and muleteers, barbers, players, and beggars are dramatis personce of stock utility. These char- acters throng the romances of roguery. They come and go through the old tales with a careless and natural picturesqueness that suc- ceeds in diverting attention from their lack of purpose or direction. The rogue knows them all, masquerades with them all, and they are the life and theme of his story. / — The soldiers appear with their rodomontades f and their tricks, lawless in youth, poverty- ^ stricken in age, and needy always. Don Pablos meets one on the road, coming dis- consolate from court, where for his scars hQ has 78 SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 79 gotten nothing but unprofitable litigation and the loss of his last real. Pindaro and his friends, hiding in a vineyard by night, are left unmolested by peasants who suppose them to be country-folk fleeing from the friendly foraging of companies on their way to Carta- gena. Marcos tells of soldiers who stole a pig against orders, and expecting the censure of the sergeant, were rather forced to share with him heaven's bounty. The troop to which Alonso belongs is indefatigable in^jthieyery,. condemning to death any fowls that crow at night. Alonso himself, in climbing up a widow's chimney to pilfer a pudding, is dis- covered by the owner and smoked down ; and his band comes to grief through its tricks and the captain's failure to pay proper respect to an alcalde. The townspeople rise in arms, the captain, bearing a flag of truce, is stoned to death,'and the soldiers in retreat, stealing frozen beehives, shake out the powder from their flasks in order to conceal the honey there ; but the attack being renewed they are dispersed defenceless, never to reassemble. A boasting soldier, when Guzman is page at the ambassa- dor's, invites himself to dinner and gives the ^ 80 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY reason for his sitting down to table of his own accord, as, first, the quality of his person and noble lineage meriting all kindness and cour- tesy ; second, his being a soldier, which renders him worthy of the table of any prince ; and third, his great necessity. He takes everything as a matter of course, and walks ofiE with a bow but without a word, for the Spaniard, as says the ambassador, is proud and never ashamed. Estevanillo is the typical picaresque soldier. He joins the French army, and being paid at Villafranca goes over to the Italians. Here he makes profitable enlistment as previously he had done at Malaga, where, receiving his pre- liminary pay, he pretended to be wounded, took sanctuary in a church, and so cllscaped duty. In Naples he enlists once more, but is jailed for creating a disturbance in the barracks. And in Lombardy, Bavaria, and the Nether- lands he is commissary, cook, or private sutler, travelling with a cart and a pretty wench to attract custom. At the battle of Nordlingen he distinguishes himself, seeking covert in a ditch, cheering on the Swedes and Germans when they are nearest him. When sent for by his master, he professes to be hurt, and then, Sf^imTf THlttU#H THE ROGUE'S EYE 81 fearing the advent of a surgeon, goes among the dead and wounded of the enemy, slashing here and there to show his bravery. One he had supposed to be a corpse rising up, Este- vanillo in consternation takes to his heels ; and after the battle he fights a duel with a comrade to settle which has shown the more valor, the two rascals cutting each other's shadows until falling down from sheer tipsiness. Altogether Estevanillo offers the keenest satire on the soldier in the romances of roguery, although he is so much of a knave in every profession that his commentary on this loses something of its force. If the soldier gets his due from the picaro, the men of the law are not spared. As might have been expected, attention is chiefly be- stowed upon the officers of justice. Immortal pleasantries at the expense of the lawyer are indeed in evidence. Guzman proves ironically that, although lawsuits be damaging, the law- yer is necessary. The soldier at the philosophi- cal academy in the Siglo Pitagdrico complains of the notary for snatching the profits of quar- rels instead of being compensated with the de- light of them. Lazarillo, suing his wife for ( / 82 ROMANCES OF BOGUERY i. Dver-intimacy with an archpriest, loses every- thing to the attorneys who espouse his cause ; and Don Diego, come to Madrid on legal busi- ness, is advised by a wise old courtier and a maestro ; ' Know yourself, do not covet the goods of others, and, above all, shun lawsuits.' Yet it is the more practical side of the legal administration that appeals to the rogue. His i profession brings him into unending conflict \ with the criminal judge and his angels, the ^^escribano and the alguazil. Not infrequently prison confinement is the outcome; but the \ picaro revenges by satire and tricks the dis- S comfort he receives at their hands by force. He cannot say enough of his adversaries' bravery, integrity, and discrimination. The absence of these three qualities is made the pledge to fame of the Spanish police. Courage is the butt ; for observe those puffing ministers of the law who, when Pablos, by accident, has tumbled on a notary's roof and is to be arrested for what he could not help, come blustering in, treading on their skirts that it may appear they were torn in the conflict ; or witness the alguazils, who, interrupting Lazarillo's feast^ stand about a frightened victim, crying, " Hold X SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 83 him I " making a show of capture, and each hiding behind the other. The bullying algua- zil who confiscates every night a new guitar of Don Gregorio, as he is serenading his lady, is a bold one ; but Gregorio gets even by means of a pulley and weight from the top of the house, which lifts the alguazil in mid air, only to drop him from a respectable height, leaving him to vow ever after that he was bewitched. Palms are stretched forth at all occasions to be crossed with silver, and not only does thel rogue himself, when he acts as alguazil, accept bribes from the family of his captive, but his most implacable foe among the ofi&cers of justice is thus to be propitiated when it is the rogue's turn to pay the piper. The way to comfort in jail, and the way to liberty itself, finds an open sesame in the prisoner's purse. The Buscon, in durance vile, after having kept out of the dun- geon hole for a time by judicious expenditure, ^ is thrust down there in the hope of squeezing ^ more from him. Then he must give a garnish / to his fellow-prisoners who are so thin they /' crawl into the cracks between the boards of / their beds, and so famished that they fall upoit him. Misery at last induces him to accede 84 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY to the keeper's extortion, and he issues forth, even gaining the favor of boarding at the jailer's own house ; a clerk who has promised to manage his discharge for money, after com- ing back a hundred times for a little more on this or that score, at last fulfils his word. But Pablos' companions are set in the stocks and whipped, receiving the deserts of poverty. If Justice has not lost the sense of touch, she is more than proverbially blind, and against 'this lack of discrimination the satire of the picaresque novels as regards the civil adminis- tration is chiefly expended. Under no possible circumstances are the guilty detected or appre- hended; the innocent, with the abuse and supreme contempt of their captors, are marched oflf, but the rogues, when they lodge in prison, most often go thither by error. Marcos de Obregon, taking the air one evening, encounters a friend who accuses him of being old, and as he agrees to run a race to disprove the charge, a young fellow in a doorway is given their cloaks and swords to hold. While they are running, he walks away with his booty, and a woman of the quarter happening to be stabbed at the time, the alert alguazils pursue the SOCIETT THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 86 racers. In vain is their protest of innocence. \ Their cloaks and swords are not where they profess to have left them ; and three months of prison ensue, where the only diversion is found in humbling a proud valiente^ by cutting off half of his mustache, as he sleeps. Guzman, who has suffered a theft, when he prosecutes Alejandro for it, in Bologna, is himself confined by justice at the reliable instigation of the thief's father, and more than once he is arrested for robberies in which he had no part. Alonso, who reports to the authorities a murder com- mitted in self-defence by his mistress, is im- prisoned for complicity, although he can prove an alibi, and, languishing many days in chains, comes near hanging before anybody remembers him. After a fight over cards at which he is present, all are obliged to flee, knowing, he declares, that when the alguazUs arrive nobody will be safe. Rufina and Garay, entering Cor- dova one night in a coach, get out to succor a dying man just wounded in a duel. At the approach of ofiicers, the coach, with foresight, drives away, but the well-intentioned pair are seized upon as assassins and have no little ado to procure their release. Don Gutierre, enter- t / 86 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY ing the same town, has a similar experience, a stock incident, not only of the romances of roguery, but of all Spanish fiction. Gutierre is in even greater risk of his neck than Rufina and her lover, for a perquuidor employed to secure evidence against him, having taken the testimony of all the innkeepers from Estrema- dura to Cordova, finds one willing to perjure himself, whose lies are sufficient to cast sus- picion on the truths of all the rest ; and Gutierre, having expended large sums in bribes, the circumstance is turned against him by those benefited, although the money is not refunded. Trapaza, too, on the way to Seville with several others innocently falls into the clutches of the law, for the carrier has accepted for conveyance a box to be paid for on delivery. This is dis- covered to contain a corpse, and all the passen- gers are locked up except such as can hide in an inn cellar. Torture is resorted to, and Trapaza endures his share, only to receive sen- tence of banishment for two years, and the poor carter is fined two hundred ducats. The insolence of the officer and his readiness to clap upon the first person met for his victim is partially balanced, however, by the ease with / SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGtJE»S EYE 87 which he may be outwitted. He is a simple fool, after all, and needs only such devices as blocking up the door of a house with masonry, or disguise in beggar's rags, feigned madness, and assurance of demons pursuing, to throw him off the scent. Justina, with tears, makes an alguazil believe her the inheritress instead of the servant of a rich Morisca. Pedro de Ur- demalas, having stolen a mule, befools the mule- teer and alguazil sent after him, and in the guise of an astrologer informs the officer that the real culprit is the muleteer himself. In Italy, Marcos, having been attacked by peasants and wounding one in self-defence, is consigned to a credulous jailer into whose graces he enters by giving gold-pieces to his children and then pretending to the father to be an alchemist. He is relieved of his chains on the promise of confiding his secrets to the jailer, who furnishes apparatus for experiments, and having lit a brazier and produced a powder, is asked to smell it. The picaro thereupon dashes it into his patron's eyes and nose, strikes him down, and, with two convicts condemned to the galleys, makes his escape. The Gran Tacano at the university, on a wager, agrees to disarm the f 88 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY gfuard, a feat readily accomplished by assuring them of the presence of six notorious criminals in a house where they have pistols and will fire if they see any enter with weapons. The offi- cers, accordingly, hide their swords in a field, going in only with daggers, while the anti-hero, giving them the slip, makes off with their arms. Pindaro, who describes jail life vividly, is pres- ent at a fiesta, given by prisoners with the per- mission of the lenient alcaide. There is danc- ing, fencing, a masquerade, and a procession of twenty-four with wooden lances and gay trap- pings. This imposing train passes into a room opening out of the courtyard, where the chief keeper and his guests await its return. But delay exciting impatience, an investigation re- veals the disappearance of all the performers. The wife of one of them had hired the adjoin- ing house a month previous, and the wall, hav- ing been tunnelled, the party has marched away, lances and all.^ In downright roguery, the officers are rivalled 1 That this trick had a basis of fact is probable from its occurrence in the Belacidn de la cdrcel de Sevilla of Chris-^ t6val de Chaves, 1686-97, Vol. I., col. 1368, of GaUaido, Enaayo. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 89 I only by the picaros themselves, and the miser, Marquina, who at the fancied approach of jus- tice buries his treasure in the yard for fear of its being stolen, is wise in his day and genera- tion, though he loses it straightway to sharpers. Lazarillo de Manzanares and his hermit are cheated by no other than a rascal alguazil who bursts in upon the hermit purposely left alone with a girl, and after listening to her false accu- sations demands reparation, in which both the hermit and his page are forced to join. And Lazarillo de Tormes serves the most astute al- guazil in Spain, who, pretending to be seized with a fit for having wrongfully charged an i Q indulgence -seller with fraud, is rewarded with i half the profits due to the rise of value in holy j wares when their merit has been miraculously attested. Like Pedro Ceiiudo, the fortunate fool who becomes chief alcalde, the minister of justice believes that true discretion consists in being pliable and bending with the times. Cenudo himself with the town is a lion, and with his alguazils a lamb. He goes where he pleases, imprisons the husband of a handsome woman, of whom he is enamored, like Bandello^s Judg^e of Lucca, and, feared by the world, is u 00 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY the pattern for his underlings, aspiring to be as great cheats as he. In the romance of roguery, from the reverend judge to his upstart minion, the motto that serves for all of the profession, and insures their continuance in office is, ^^ Set a thief to catch a thief." The Church is gingerly handled by the pic- ' aro. None of that freedom of attack shown in Italy was evidenced in the Peninsula. Occa- sional satire there was, as appears in the works of the Archpriest of Hita, but a cautious reserve characterized literature. The restraint exer- cised by the Inquisition was too powerful to war- rant meddling with orthodoxy. Juan de Luna in his continuation of the Lazarillo could speak of officers of the Inquisition, whom he had pic- tured greedy for bribes, as "folk as holy and per- fect as the justice they administer ; " but Luna was writing from Paris. In Spain, where the Church must extend its privilege to every book that entered the press, Castillo Solorzano could do no more than point the efficiency of the In- quisition as an instrument of private vengeance when he described a rogue getting even with a carter by accusing him before the Inquisition of swearing. The carter is apprehended and witH SOCIETT THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 91 his passengers detained three days and fined, while the virtuous plaintiff receives a reward and goes on his way rejoicing. Yet, if several of the romances of roguery did find a place in the Index^ many rather daring passages were allowed to remain in subsequent editions, and others were never noticed at all. The satire on the*^ Church, however, was less harsh than lovingly witty. In the main it was not seriously meant ; and although it never hesitated to signalize in- consistencies, it does not often venture to sug- ^ v gest reform. The example of the first Lazarilloi^'^ f 3 ^ • which was only relieved from the ban put upon it in 1559 by the castigado edition of 1573, induced a greater show of respect for things ecclesiastic. At least, none of the other novels has so large a space devoted to the Church as this one, and none is so sharp in satire upon religious institutions unless it be the Picara Justina. Here, however, by a sys- X tern of morals appended to each chapter, the boldest utterances are given an air of respecta- bility. The reader is advised that all the book contains is subject to the correction of the Roman Church and the Holy Inquisition, and that wherever a bad example occurs in the text. L 92 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY reference is to be made forthwith to the apro- \, vechamiento at the end of the section. Justina in Leon visits the cathedral, where she makes fun of the priests, and of the can- tadorea, who, professing to sing, really dance. Observing the few chairs in the place, she con- cludes that the prebendaries and the singing girls must go shares on them, and learning that it is required that the performers should be virgins, she marvels that after a season of these holy exercises any are to be found. Of this venturesome chapter the aprovechamiento complacently declares, "The evil-intentioned are insects that suck poison from flowers. Thus the holy fiestas profit Justina only in say- ; ing malicious impertinences." In such mor- ! alizing it is difficult to be convinced that the author was not putting into practice one ; of those profitable and pleasant hypocrisies . which his own heroine had taught him. In her levity at sacred things Justina is indeed, incorrigible. On a pilgrimage to the shrine of Nuestra Sefiora del Camino, she meets a vender chancing off hazel-nuts and calling them indul- gences. At first she supposes him to be joking, but presently she learns that it is the custona SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 93 to call everything connected with a pilgrimage an indulgence. She devises for the Humilla- dero, an oratory upon the road, a punning etymology, and has an admirer, the son of a washerwoman, who becomes a flagellant in order to win her favor. He is a great bully, supported by his widowed mother, whom he never addresses as anjrthing but "my laun- dress," and to whom, after dinner each day, he relates a brief history of their greatness. On the fiesta of the Cross, arrayed as a diaci- plinante^ he appears before Justina's house, fol- lowed by a crowd of boys, beating himself with a whip, and clad in a sheet of Justina's which his mother had taken to wash, thinking that what he was lacking in clothes would be made up in devotion. The picara, however, has cold water poured on him as he passes through her doorway, and the boys do the rest, driving the poor flagellant out of the pueblo never to be seen there again. The priest served by Lazarillo is as much of a miser as Pablos' schoolmaster, and the boy's share of meat is so little he might have put it in his eye instead of his mouth, and been none the worse. At funerals his master eats like a o y M ROMANCES OF ROGUERY wolf or a mountebank, and as this is the only occasion when Lazarillo himself does not starve, he prays continually that the Lord will take his own. One day, in the priest's absence, he calls in a tinker, who fashions him a key for the chest of sacrament bread, and the reverend father, missing his loaves, is made to believe that rats are the culprits. The chest is reen- forced against these pests, but all to no pur- pose. The neighbors affirm a snake to be the offender, and Lazarillo, sleeping at night with the key in his mouth, and having made with it a low whistling in his breathing, the priest arises, sure that he hears the hiss of a serpent. Blows in the dark awake the boy, who is both rat and snake in one, and he is forced to seek other service. But the Church has a fascina- tion for him. His fourth master is a friar, an enemy to psalm-singing and eager in the pur- suit of every secular business and pleasure. From him Lazarillo receives his first pair of shoes, which are worn through in a week, so busy does the gadding friar keep him. Taking leave without asking it, the boy engages next with a buldero^ a seller of bulls with indul- gences attached, the proceeds ostensibly to go J SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 96 for the crusade against the Moors, already long at an end. This fellow is a barefaced rogue, who makes judicious presents to the clergy wherever he goes, and has a fund of deceits to play upon the pious. It is for him that the cheating alguazil feigns a fit, and Lazarillo declares, "If I, being an eye-witness to such an imposition, could almost believe it, how many more amongst this poor, innocent people must be imposed on by these robbers ! " After a chaplain has hired Lazarillo as a water-car- rier, his most intimate connection with the Church comes through the archpriest of Sal- vador, who gives^^icaro his own maid- servant for wife, fevil tongues may say what they will as to thS priest's motives, but Laza- rillo accepts the scandal, together with his pa- tron's ladvice, to think less of honor than of profit. I Later, in the 1620 continuation of his advenrares, when the anti-hero is being shown off through Spain as a marine curiosity, he has become rather more jealous. Uneasily enough, he overhears two old women commenting on his wife's devotion to the archpriest and its consequences ; yet he endeavors to prove his own identity by begging the holy father to re- / 06 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY member how one night, saying he was afraid, he came to Lazarillo's bed to lie down — an allusion which operates like a charm, for the priest concludes to recognize the picaro before he shall say anything more. On one occasion, engaged by a Franciscan to carry his luggage to a convent, Lazarillo, asking for his pay on reaching his destination, has the door shut in his face, and the last words he hears are, ^^ Let it be for the love of God." Gypsies tell him that they are chiefly churchmen fallen from grace and come to lead a freer life ; and a hermit's mistress confesses that her daughters can claim three fathers, who, according to the best conjectures, are a monk, an abbot, and a curate. She has always been enamored of the Church. She is nicknamed the ecclesiastical widow ; and her daughters inherit her par- tiality for gentlemen of the cloth, whose recom- mendation lies in their being secretive, rich, and patient. Guzman de Alfarache is gentler with the fishers of men than Lazarillo or Justina. At one time he hears a sermon which almost per- suades him to turn friar, but having for several days frequented a monastery, toiling over J SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 97 grammar and Greek, he changes his mind. On the road he engages with a serious and honest priest who treats him well ; and in the Cardinal's service at Rome he is honored and has nothing but praise for his master, although he tricks a chamberlain there by having a fel- low in woman's clothes rush out of a closet at an inopportune moment. But Guzman's mother had been the mistress to an ecclesiastic who was outwitted with the lady's connivance by Guzman's father to be. Barbadillo's Elena telling her story says that her virgin favors through her mother's skill were bestowed not once, but three several times, and first upon a rich ecclesiastic, next upon a noble, and fin- ally upon a Genoese who paid more and received less. Indeed, it is the charge of "\ immorality which the romances of roguery bring against the clergy that constitutes the chief attack upon them. Even so, there is expressed less condemnation than merriment at their expense, and it is certain that devia- tions from the vow of chastity were looked upon with every indulgence. Of other sins, avarice or lack of reverence are the worst. Alonso enters the service of 7 98 HOMANCES OF ROGUERY a profane sacristan who makes no obeisance when he sets the church to rights. Alonso reproves him and some gossips who resort there to talk, but the sacristan dismisses his pious adviser. Afterwards in serving the nuns, Alonso's business is to dress the altars, and silence the whisperers at mass. With the pic- aro's curiosity he bores holes through the wall of his cell and hears the confessions of the nuns, duly impressed with their goodness. Periquin, engaged by a curate, through much drinking falls into a stupor and is thought to be dead. Reviving, he appears by night to his virtuous master, who thinks him a ghost come to rebuke him for withholding a bequest, and falls on his knees for pardon. Only Mar- cos so much as mentions the Reformation. Rainbound in an inn at Turin, he enters into dispute with a citizen of Geneva regarding the heretics, assailing roundly Martin Lutero and Juan Calvino. Blows being threatened, the hostess interposes, averting a quarrel ; and later, when Marcos meets a party of Genevans in a coach, he has learned to continue friends with them by refusing to discuss Reformed tenets. Nothing more definite than these ref- SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 99 erences would have been permitted by the Inquisition, which could afford to ignore pleas- antries upon purity of ecclesiastical life, but never the shadow of heresy. For in Spain doctrine was all in all, and morality an inci- dent, wherefore in part occurred the rejection there of Protestantism with its professed aim of reviving the simple moral asceticism of the primitive Christians. Religion had too strong a hold upon the people, however, not to offer to the picaro a convenient handle for prosecuting his schemes. Religious cheats were certain to be profitable, from the mild hypocrisy of the lady whom Periquillo rebukes for cutting the finger-nails of the poor, already worn to the quick by hard work, to the systematic frauds of Mon- tufar or of Molino. The latter, in Cortes de Tolosa's La comadre^ is a lackey left behind by his master during an absence in the In- dies. Molino with another rogue comes to Jaen, where they don ecclesiastic garb, pale their wine-red faces with an herb, and go about attending the sick and prisoners, asking alms, and reaping a rich harvest. The holy brothers, with feigned humility, calling them- 100 BOMANCES OF ROGUERT selves Peter the Sinner and John the Misera- ble, then perpetrate a cheat upon the lady betrothed to Molino's master and upon her mother, both of whom they seduce, rob, and desert. In Salas Barbadillo*s Hyia de Celes- tina^ Montufar, Mendez, and the heroine Elena are still more adroit in mock sanctity. They travel in the guise of pilgrims; and when in the midst of an admiring crowd in Seville, Montufar receives a blow in derision and the epithet " hypocrite," the enraged populace fall upon the assailant ; but by a master move Mon- tufar rescues this scoffer, publicly forgives him, procures him new garments and a sword, and sends him out of the city a believer ; and the citizens remain more than ever impressed with the divinity of their saint. Montuf ar's humility exceeds all bounds. He names himself ^^ Little ass, the little beast, the useless one." But of the alms for the poor which he receives, one- third is turned into gold and secreted, and when flight to Madrid becomes necessary, the saint with his gold departs at a moment's warn- ing. Trapaza at the capital assumes the title of a Portuguese noble, puts on the habit of Christus, and wearing the great iron-bowed SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 101 spectacles then in vogue, goes about without fear of detection. And in the G-uia y avisos de forasteros^ a rogue imposes upon a wealthy countryman by professing to be the canon of a cathedral, who on a voyage had lost his effects, which were thrown overboard to lighten the vessel when Moorish galleys pursued. But the class of devotees most railed at for hypocrisy are the hermits. They were com- mon enough in Spain in the seventeenth cen- tury, and if some went into seclusion as a result of disenchantment with the world, many were not so disenchanted that they ever lost sight of the main chance ; and most chose the profession only as a cloak to roguery. Here and there a beneficent anchorite does appear. Marcos de Obregon relates the story of his life to one in an oratory on the Segovia Bridge during a storm that confines them there. The only fault this hermit exhibits is a tendency to fall nodding, with which, considering the length and discursiveness of Marcos' narrative, the reader may sympathize. Guzman, Micer Morcon, and a party of rogues listen respect- fully to a sermon from an honest hermit with- out profiting by his advice. Alonso at the J 102 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY end of his career becomes a sincere recluse, and from that point of view relates the sec- ond half of his tale. In Loubayssin de la Marca's Historia tragic6mica de Don Henrique de Cmtro^ the hero, when his forces are de- feated in Chili, seeks refuge with an anchorite who tells his own story after those of his guests have been heard; and Teresa de Man- zanares, robbed in the Sierra Morena, is hos- pitably received by a hermit whose solitude is the result of a love disappointment. But the conventional hermit of the romances of roguery is as much a picaro as the anti-hero himself. Such an one Pablos and a soldier overtake riding on an ass. He gravely reproves the soldier's swearing, and crossing a pass to- gether, they come to an inn at night. Wait- ing for supper, a bout at cards is suggested. The hermit professes to know nothing of the game, but in a trice both his adversaries have not enough left to pay the reckoning. Pedro de Urdemalas in Granada refuses an alms to a hypocrite hermit held to be a saint by the people, but Pedro is beaten by the angered anchorite, to whom, in sheer self-defence, he is obliged to be reconciled. To the picaro's SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 103 relief, this Brother Llorente finally departs on a pilgrimage, really eloping with a girl; and he is next heard of scouring Italy in a troop of soldiers. Lazarillo de Manzanares is taken into service by a santero^ with whom he leads a merry life, his business consisting in gathering from the rich more than they give. Lazarillo de Tormes, in the third account of his life, meets at a church door a hermit who dilates upon the joys and satisfactions of his trade. At the hermitage the two dine to- gether, but the proprietor is seized with a sudden and fatal illness. Lazarillo, fearful of being accoimted his murderer if no wit- nesses are at hand, hunts out some shepherds ; but when they arrive all the hermit can say is "Yes." So Lazarillo, who never neglects an opportunity, asking if he be not the sick man's heir, the poor fellow can only give assent to this and all other queries, while a shepherd takes down the testimony with charcoal on the wall. The hermit is interred, and Lazarillo after a search finds his money beneath the altar in a pot. Crowds come to visit the dead saint's gTave, every appearance pointing to his canoni- zation within six months, and Lazarillo, who 104 EOMANCES OF ROGUERY has accepted the hermit's mantle with good grace, secures from these pilgrims enough to live sumptuously. But going through the city and begging at the doors for diversion, at one he is drawn in, being mistaken for the original Padre Anselmo, and he finds himself confronted by a family that proves to be no other than the wife and children of the sainted dead. They weep on learning of their lord's demise, but when they hear he has left them nothing, tears turn to blasphemy. Lazarillo, however, thinks to assure possession of the money he has gained by proposing marriage to the daughter of the household. But he is sadly out of count with his host ; for his new friends fetch everything from the hermitage, and despite his protestations search for the treasure, discovering where he had removed the earth beneath the altar, and finally the holy pot itself. The next morning when he goes to be married according to arrangement, he is tricked, tied down to the bed, and hot and cold water is poured over him until, hav- ing suffered much, and lost all, he is content to escape with his life from the pious hernciit's pious offspring. SOCIETY THBOUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 105 But Crispin, the anchorite of the Gardufia de Sevilla, is the arch-rogue among hermits. Rufina and Garay, overhearing robbers speak- ing of him as their receiver, determine to out- wit him. At night Rufina lets herself be bound to a tree and sets up a great outcry, Garay galloping away as though afraid. The hermit releases Rufina, who with all the picara's arts makes him believe she was about to be slain by a jealous brother, and so wins his favor that he consents to hide her in his cell. The next morning, during the absence of Crispin on a begging tour, Garay leaves a sleeping- potion to be administered to the hypocrite on his return, and then the two depart with his plunder, informing on him and his clients by an anonymous letter. Crispin is arrested, and the robbers are hanged, but the hermit, falling ill, justice in his case is long enough delayed for him to escape from jail in woman's clothes. Digging up a bag of doubloons he had hid in view of disaster, he takes a servant, Jaime, with whom he proceeds to Toledo. Garay and Rufina are already there, and he proposes to get even with them by introducing Jaime into their house as a fugitive from jus- I 106 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY tice and enacting the alguazil himself. But Rufina and Jaime become enamored, and during the absence of Garay, Jaime secures large sums from the hermit, robbing him of what he cannot beg of him, after which the two flee from Toledo, informing on the un- happy Crispin. The hermit is captured and hanged ; yet like a good Christian he forgives his accusers on the scaffold. Although, in comparison with Massuccio and the Italian novelists, the picaresque romancers were considerate of religion and religious in- stitutions, these instances of satire gleaned from their works comprise the most daring attacks upon the faith to be found in Span- ish fiction, and perhaps in Spanish literature. And yet it must be manifest that the faith itself was less the object of attack than the abuses to which it might be put. There was indeed a spirit of Protestantism through these romances of roguery which has led to the suggestion that the authorship of their first exemplar should be attributed to some one of the coterie gathered about the brothers Valdes, but as Protestantism itself in Spain never got beyond the stage of inquiry and occasional ^ SOCIETY THEOUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 107 adverse criticism, so its expression there was negative, not positive. All the leaders upheld the Church, however they might disapprove specific methods. From Lope, who counte- nanced with his official presence the burning of at least one heretic, and Gongora, who lamented at an atito that no more than one was burned, to Cervantes and Quevedo support- ing the expulsion of the MoriscoSy although aware of the ruin that must ensue, there was no wavering of loyalty. The demand for union against Mohammedan arms and dogma had kept the Church intact. And those who might have scoffed would not permit them- selves to doubt. Only the rogue who doubted all save things of sense, and scoffed at all where laughter could result, coddled no scruples. With the candor of impudence, he declared his mind, but the restraint of habit from within, and the restraint of the Inquisition from with- out, tempered his dealing with religion. If peculiar conditions in the Peninsula were concerned in the treatment of the clergy in national letters, the physician of Spain offered no vantage point for ridicule that his brethren elsewhere could not present. The sign of his I 108 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY trade here was the ass, astride of which the Castilian mSdico still ambles through the ro- mances of roguery as in life he was wont to swing down the sunny streets of Seville or Toledo ; but pedantry, ignorance, and consum- mate play upon his patients' credulity were traits that marked him in Spain as in France.^ Sorel, Moliere, or Cyrano de Bergerac were to give him harder raps than any he should get farther south, but the theory on which this assault was excused was always the same. The physician seized folk at a disadvantage. In their weakness he persuaded them to out- landish courses of regimen or medication, con- trived with no view to effecting a cure, but rather to prolong the malady. If recovery came, the sufferer praised him ; if death, none could blame. God's will had been done, and the defunct at least might not rise up to deny the alleviation of his pains. Opposed to this destructive theory of the physician's functions was a constructive theory for nature's. Let alone, nature would accomplish more, it was 1 See Maurice Raynaud, Lea nUdedna au temps de Moli^e ; and the Journal de la sanU du toy, edited by M. J. A. I^e Roy, Paris, 1862. J SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 109 argued, than all the doctors of the faculty, for nature was the reservoir of vitality from which the rogue physician would shut the patient off. Considering the state of medical knowl- edge at the time when the ridiculous Medicina espafLola contenida en proverbioa vulgares de nuestra lengua^ written by Dr. Juan Sorapan de Kieros in 1616, is vouched for as having served at the Academy of Medecine in Gra- nada as a text-book, and when copious bleed- ings were resorted to on every pretext, and water either interdicted altogether or forced upon the unhappy victim in floods, it is not to be wondered at if longevity did prefer the children of nature to those of a barbarous science. At all events, the picaro believed with Louis Fourteenth, who, on being asked to forbid the representation of Moliere's U amour mSdecin^ made reply, "ie* mSdedns font aasez souvent pleurer pour quHh /assent rire quelquefois.^'* In Zavaleta's Oonde de Matisio^ the anti- hero's father is hastened off like the man who ordered his epitaph to be los muchos mSdicos me mataron. Guzman has a poor opinion of the faculty. He tells of a patient getting well in 110 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY the course of nature who went to mass against orders, and being met there and reproved by his physician, paid him a fee to discontinue his advice ; and when Guzman's hostess is ill he doctors her himself. His verdict on the honesty of the faculty is given masquerading as a beggar in Rome, where with a painted ulcer on his leg he sits by a church door until he attracts a cardinal's attention. The benevo- lent cardinal arranges for the picaro to be cured at his own expense, and Guzman, brought before the best physicians of the city, is fearful lest his sore fail to withstand the tests of pro- fessional scrutiny. He confesses his cheat ; the doctors listen gravely, and compact with him to share the cardinal's bounty. Thus the painted and profitable ulcer is cured by degrees to the mutual satisfaction of the artist and the healers. As a physician, Marcos de Obregon is proclaimed aloud to be a fraud, and when a patient asks why he makes no retort, Marcos is content with explaining that as the remark was not addressed to him he has nothing to say. The same rogue serves Doctor Sagredo whose books are fencing swords, and whose wife is no more devoted than is that of the SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 111 physician with whom Trapaza engages. When the doctor wishes to bleed the lady, Marcos takes him to task for his expedients and his technical circumlocutions, recommending in- stead methods of cure based on common-sense. At Salamanca, Marcos falls ill, and a physician forbids his drinking any water, but orders a bath to reduce the fever. After the bath, Marcos in delirium drinks the water, and then on its disagreeing with him returns it invol- untarily to the basin. The next day he is well, and the doctor, seeing the water appar- ently as he had left it, begins to extol his treatment. Informed of what had happened, he only crosses himself and departs, mumbling, rectum ah errore. Less successful in error is Estevanillo ; for, serving as surgeon at the hospital in Naples, he gives a draught of water to one to whom it had been forbidden and sends the patient grateful to his grave. From be- neath a dying student's pillow he filches a purse, and becoming a charlatan, vends useless concoctions at outrageous prices to make them esteemed. With four Jews he plays the itin- erant dentist, three of his assistants pretending to have the toothache and purchasing his 112 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY lotions, while the fourth lets himself seem to be operated upon. The rabble is deceived, and trade thrives, until as a joke Estevanillo draws not only a tooth, but part of the jaw of his astonished accomplice ; and when the latter and his three comrades clamor thereat, the rogue denounces them to his audience as here- tics, and they are driven off without hope of rep- aration. For a carnival the buffoon prepares a satire on the faculty, with a cart upon which is placed an ass in bed. Officials with cupping- tools and syringes, the rogue himself in robes, a weeping wife for the ass, and violinists to soothe his last moments, complete the outfit, which is drawn about town in triumph, the ass dancing on the bed from the pain of the flax burned on him when he is cupped, but breaking loose finally to create havoc among his attendants. Yet nothing could shake the faith of the common people in the physician, and the rogue was not slow to avail himself of such confidence. When Sancha Gomez, a fat, enormous creature with a well-provided larder, falls ill, Justina becomes as loving to her as a monastery cat, and arranges with a foolish barber to play- physician. He feels Sancha's pulse, examines ^ SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 113 her tongue, talks gibberish, and after delibera- tion prescribes a poultice of pork, the patient's body to be rubbed with new bread, and sub- jected to applications of eggs and honey. Poor Sancha is delighted at the coincidence of hav- ing all these things in the house, and gives up the storeroom key unsuspectingly. But when she is poulticed and covered over head and ears with blankets, the false physician and Jus- tina sup sumptuously, helping themselves to all the place affords ; and this barber is not more lacking in knowledge than most of the faculty. Teresa as an actress feigns illness in order to be revenged on her manager, and physicians who are called in, being shown wine for water, pronounce gravely upon her case. Lazarillo de Manzanares tells of a similar trick, and Cenudo perpetrates it, the physicians prognos- ticating such dreadful things he might almost believe them, but for realizing that it was they who were weak and not he. There is scarcely a rogue without something to say or to do at the physician's expense, not excepting those who, like Gregorio Guadana, have a medical ancestry. The mother of this anti-hero brings people into the world, while his father takes 114 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY them out of it, the one a physician, the other a midwife ; his relatives on both sides are apothecaries, surgeons, dentists, and barbers ; yet he cannot spare the profession. The only picaro to do so, indeed, is the Donado Hablador, loud in his praise of disciples of Esculapius. He cannot say enough of the fatigues of the physician's life and its small recompense. He complains of such as demand that the doctor shall predict the hour and moment of his patient's demise, and tells of one called to a village to minister to a dying man, who all the way there was abused by the messenger regarding his pay, and arrived only to be accused by the widow of having killed her husband. In short, declares Alonso, the phy- sician is successively an angel, a man, and a demon, as the patient is sick, convalescent, and recovers. This eulogy, as the single ex- ception, not only in the Spanish romances of roguery, but in the French or German as well, might merit more comment were it not that its author, Geronimo de Alcala, was himself a physician, the writer of medical works, and for twenty-six years a practitioner, he tells us, before the publication of his novel. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGtJE^S EYE 116 The students of the romances of roguery V^y. are a motley crew. Little study and much |^/ carousing is their portion, although some meet hardship in lieu of good cheer. Marcos at Salamanca, cold and hungry, hunts for fuel, and with his companions can find only the leg bone of a mule, which will not burn. When the students fail to salute the corregidor they are taken up for lack of respect, and toils and fatigues await them from morning to night, untfthe hero rejoices at being withdrawn on receiving a legacy. Rios, in the Viage entre- tenido, on the way to Madrid to visit his mis- tress, meets a starved student who greedily eats up all his private provision, swearing by the Delphic Apollo, and boasting of amours with the very lady Rios is going to see. Alonso at Salamanca, though he does not starve, has no easy time of it. Having run away and joined a party of students, on arriving with them at the colleges, he is surrounded as a novice, spit upon, asked how his mother and brothers do, and if he cried at leaving them, or has brought with him any goodies. At this he can only marvel, but learning it to be the custom, he cleans his clothes and says nothing. His r/'. ./ 116 BOMANCES OF BOGUEBT friends ere long spend their aU in dissipation and are forced to seek other employment, as a last resort entering the Church, where they get a good living, while Alonso joins a company of infantry for Italy to find a bad one. Not dis- similar to the Donado's experiences at Sala- manca are those of Pablos at Alcal&. At his advent he is cornered in a courtyard, buffeted, /and spit upon, and the very fellow who, pre- tending sympathy, persuades him to uncover his face, uses him worst. Escaping, he dashes home and crawls into bed, only to be scolded by his young master, Don Diego, and to be told he must take better care of himself for the fu- ture. That night in the dark he is flogged and shamefully abused, and when in the morning he finds it expedient to pretend illness, the stu- dents drag him forth from the bed, bind him with cords, and pull his middle finger until it is out of joint as a remedy for his feigned fit. Then he breathes grim counsel : " Look to your- self, Paul ; stand on your guard ! " and resolv- ! ing to begin a new course of life and be a knave . among knaves, he becomes fast friends with his tormentors. There is no roguery after that in which he is not concerned. Capturing pigs SOCIETr THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 117 that stray into the patio and roasting them with straw from stolen beds, he excuses him- self on the plea of hunger, and because the animals appeared so much at home there he thought them his own. He outwits the cheat- ing old housekeeper, steals from the shopmen, and when sought for to be punished for his pranks by the governor and vice-chancellor, he seems to be dying, his companions praying by his side, tapers burning at his head and feet. In boyhood, too, at school, Pablos is always in scrapes. A councillor, Poncio Aguirre, he calls after as Poncio Pilato, and is spared only on the schoolmaster's promise to the offended council- lor that he shall never call Poncio Pilato again. So the next day, in the creed, when the sen- tence, " And he suffered under Pontius Pilate," is to be repeated, Pablos says it, "and he suf- fered under Pontius Aguirre," to the diversion of the schoolmaster and the boys. At twelfth- tide he is elected by the scholars as their king, and mounted on a blind jade tha;t in hunger gobbles a cabbage in the plaza, a fight with market-women is precipitated; the king lands in a kennel, and his retinue is dispersed amid I ^A 118 KOMANCES OF ROGUERY a volley of vegetables. Sent to boarding-school at Segovia to attend on Don Diego, Pablos finds a house of famine, and in the master, Cabra, " a skeleton, a shotten herring, a slender cane with a little head on it."^ When one stray turnip is brought in at meals, Cabra cheerily bids his charges eat, but exercise lest it disagree with them ; and at night scraps of roast goat, and broth so clear that ten fathoms of it must have been transparent, are served, with rules for avoiding indigestion. Sometimes Pablos must question Diego if already, having been killed in the battle with the market-women, they be not dead and in Purgatory. In declining nouns they eat half their words from hunger. Pre- tended illness brings only fresh griefs, for Cabra's aunt administers horrible potions as restoratives. Presently she comes to rule the kitchen to their chagrin, and in her blindness drops her beads in the dinner-pot to be mis- taken for Ethiopian peas. At last a student dies from hard usage, the physician declaring 1 A letter from Adan de la Parra to Quevedo in 1639 (cited in note to p. 489, Vol. XXIII. , Bibl, de aut. espa- notes), establishes the real existence of the miserly master, one Don Antonio Cabreriza. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 119 that for once famine had forestalled him in his trade, and Pablos and Diego are brought away. They must be gently handled, the dust wiped from their mouths with fox-tails, and no one allowed to speak aloud lest their empty stom- achs return a painful echo. Burlesque as is this treatment, it is parent to a whole family of school scenes in modern fiction, not the least among which are those in Oliver Twist or Nicholas Nicklehy^ where the caricature has not yet been entirely abandoned. In imitation of scenes in mediseval jest books, here and there the student is presented stand- ing before the doctors unabashed, responding to enigmatical queries with easy assurance. The Fortunate Fool is taken to Salamanca, where the servants of some gentlemen students con- duct his mock examination. Arrayed in their robes, they propound to the poor page a series of questions to test his mettle. What is the most discreet folly? they ask him. Love, he replies. How may a fool cease being fool- ish? By knowing that he is so. Why are there so many fools in the world? Because nobody believes himself one. And urged to give his critical belief, he exclaims, " The pre- 120 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY cepts of poetry are like the precepts of the /law of God, which all know but few keep," / Lazarillo de Tonnes, after his fantastic adven- tures in the sea, comes to Salamanca desirous of setting up as a professor of the mackerel lan- guage. The rector of the university and the doctors ask how many hogsheads of water there are in the ocean, and he answers that he will quickly compute it, if they will first get it all together. They ask how many days there have been in the world since the creation of Adam, as if, says Lazarillo, I had been in it always myself, pendulum in hand ; yet he responds only seven, since those are the days of the week which after the first one were repeated again and again. But where students have not crude wit, they rely upon open roguery ; and well might William Lithgow, who travelled in Spain in 1620, refer to Salamanca as ^^ the sacerdotall University of Spaine whence springeth these Flockes of Studientes, that over-swarme the whole land with rogueries, robberies and beg- ing." ^ Trapaza on the road to that very uni- ^ TJie totall Discourse of the rare Adventures and painefiM Peregrinations of long nineteene Yeares Trauayles, London, less. SOCIETY THKOtJGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 121 versity more than pays his way by gaming. With the surplus he fits himself out in gay attire, assumes spectacles, and changing his name, cuts a dash as the son of a wealthy noble of the Grand Canary. He affects the society of rich Mexicans, is always at cards, and fleeces Genoese of large sums in gold and jewels. He learns too that other students may be successful if less elegant thieves, for one night a party in masks, having sung and danced be- fore his bed, loot the house. Trapaza can only complain to the authorities, but he dare not state his actual loss for fear of exposing him- self. Later, when he has left the university, sleeping at Jaen, he is robbed by a student and a muleteer, and awakes so destitute that he has to enter service to recruit. Guzman at Alcala finds only rogues for his comrades. At eight in the morning they go to chapel at San ndefonso, attendance being required, but they simply enter one door to pass out at another, and at night they are merry in their cups. During the more than seven years that Guzman is in Alcal& for arts and theology, although some- times he goes to the schools, he understands nothing that is said or done in them, and is •-J / 122 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY chiefly impressed by the scant fare to be had ; yet, in a rash moment, he marries his land- lady's daughter. Rogue students in the Dia y noche de Madrid run ofif from a wine-shop without paying their reckoning, and the pro- prietor hearing his maid upbraiding them, mis- takes some inoffensive customers for the culprits, and rushes out sword in hand. A chestnut vender's stand is overturned in the fray, the wine-merchant is arrested, but the students as usual go free. Justina, however, shows the rollicking stu- dent crew at its best. For on her first wander- ing expedition to the fiesta at Arenillas a band of students toward night encoiinters the picara. Disguised as canons and archdeacons and with their chief as bishop, they clamber upon a cart and begin to dance, while ooe sings a romance with the refrain : — Yo soy palma de damantes, Y hoy me Uevan los estttdiantes. Then Justina is seized, and in the singer's robes made to chant the same "'ditty so that she is readily carried off in the cart, her cries for help being mistaken for the refrain of the SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 123 song. Lamenting, Justina can only compare herself to all the characters in history who have been ravished ; but left alone with the bishop, she preserves her virtue by strategy, demanding a public feast and her installation as queen of the company. The bishop ac- quiesces, and commands his students to scour the country for provisions. They return so laden down that Justina wonders that they have ^left the dead in their graves, and a wild carouse follows. When they are all drunk in the cart, Justina lays the driver low with a blow of the whip and guides the mules home to Mansilla. There in the plaza she cries out for the alguazils and drubs the awakened stu- dents, who dash away half clad through the grain, looking, as the heroine expresses it, like Samson's foxes with their tails afire. The bishop is deposed from office as disgraced, and Justina is held to be more chaste than Lucrece and braver than Semiramis. After this the picara can never overcome her enmity to students ; she rails at them all, though few dare address her on account of her fame ; and one whose love for her has conquered his fear, she tricks by sending him to an inn, where 124 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY she had not paid her bill, to look for a box of honey which does not exist. The innkeepers of the romances of roguery- are both publicans and sinners. Whatever prQtence they make of serving their customers is mere pretence and nothing more. The food is bad, the hostelries are filthy, and the land- lords not only dishonest, but frequently in collusion with road-knights. If by any chance an innkeeper prove honest, the satire is empha- sized by his ill-success. Guzman at his second marriage has such a father-in-law, one who does not permit his servants to steal barley from the beasts or moderate the meals of the guests. But for these unusual virtues Guzman has to suffer, since the innkeeper goes into bankruptcy and his family is turned out of doors. Pindaro, the Soldier, tells of the honest son of a dishonest father, both innkeepers. The latter, by dint of false measures and baptizing the wine, had left the former an inheritance ; but the son, in order to repair his father's faults, used measures that were larger instead of smaller than the standard, and gave overweight. Happily the was saved from ruin by a stranger who, dying at the inn, willed him a fortune. But the usual recom- SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 126 mendation to inn service is a penchant for roguery. Periquin secures a place because the hostess remarks that he has the figure of a great thief. Teresa, through her personal attractions and her discretion, is kept at a caravansary to draw custom. Even Guzman, who is none too good, and who on that account has gained the readier acceptance as a tavern- boy, cries out against the "robbery, tyranny, and shameful deeds of inns where there is fear neither of God nor of His ministers of justice." On the very first day of his wanderings he meets an amorous old hag who gives hin^ eggs that are half chickens, and crockery and linen in deepest mourning, so that having got away from the miserable place, he falls ill at the thought of it. At CantiUana he has his best-known adventures of this character, where a rogue of a landlord passes off mule on his gpiests as new-dressed veal, and discourses meanwhile of his own honesty. That night Guzman is half devoured by fleas, and in the morning his cloak disappears with the land- lord's connivance. In his search for it the picaro by accident discovers the hide and hoofs of the mule, and a sharp quarrel brings the I L 126 ROMANCES OF ROGUERT host to confessing his guilt in this and other matters, even to his villanies on the highway. Indeed, the information given by the landlord to footpads and the part he takes with them in robbing-adventures are included in his common functions. Don Gregorio and his friends in the Sierra Morena are so served by a landlord ; for when all are sleeping, thirty bandoleros by his advice appear, and relieve the company of their valuables and most of their garments. In the Guadarrama a surly innkeeper who has refused Pindaro anything, even for money, further up the pass attacks him, but is wounded and sent to the galleys. Where such open violence is not employed, ruses are tried ; and Alonso on the way to Seville has a narrow escape in a little venta from the landlord's daughter. She proposes that he espouse her, and on his demurring, she raises a cry at which seven men pounce upon him. The parents pretend he has been there often before, showing the lady marked attention ; and Alonso, realizing that he is trapped, can only appear to accede to their demands. Preparations for the wedding fes- tivities are made, but, when momentarily uix- SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 127 guarded, the bridegroom-elect takes to his heels and succeeds in regaining liberty. At Ma- drid, Lazarillo de Manzanares and his master have a similar experience with a landlady and her daughter, but release is secured for a finan- cial consideration. Sometimes the innkeeper is discovered robbing his guests, and outwitted when he thinks himself safest. Marcos, at Ventas Nuevas, hiding in a tavern stable, finds the host and his wife entering at night to open a trap-door into a cabinet, where some guests on the other side of the wall have locked their treasure. The innkeeper, mis- taking Marcos in the dusk for his wife, hands him the booty, with which the picaro is not long in departing. The wife of Rodrigo — a rogue innkeeper of the Engafios deste siglo — makes her thief -of -a-lord believe that her gallant's mantle is one she has stolen from a guest, and so escapes suspicion. The gen- eral counsel for the innkeeper is best arrayed by Diego Diez, Justina's father, an astute member of the trade. He advises that the barley be kept at a distance, where its pur- chaser may not see it mixed, and that a hand properly applied in measuring will be worth 128 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY half a peck. If the beasts be good, he says, they will eat anything, and if bad, they do not deserve even the worst. When a guest asks what there is for food, he is not to be told what already the house affords, but a pretence of fetching it is to be made, that the favor may appear the greater. More graces than words are to be bestowed upon the traveller, and all demonstrations should take place before meals, as then he will ex- change anything for his hunger. On a feint of feeding the poor, the leavings are to be given to the landlord disguised as a beggar. Everybody is to be honored, but especially things that cannot speak for themselves. Thus a dead cat is to be called a hare, a cock a capon, and a jay a pigeon. The fruits must be affirmed to come from afar, which will add to their flavor. When a guest requests wine, she who serves him is to ask in a loud voice how much, for pride will then cause him to order more than he otherwise would ; and a pretty girl, well kempt, is to stand at the door as a signboard, especially toward even- ing. Despite his wisdom, the author of these rules comes to an untimely end. In a dis- SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 129 pate with a caballero oyer the mixing of grain, he is felled by a blow from a half -peck meas- ure and dies outright, having the sense not to waste a caraway seed in illness. As much of a rogfue too, and more varied in past ex- perience, is mine host of JEl passagero^ of whom one of the characters exclaims : " Won- derful ups and downs has this man known thus far in his life, — farmer, soldier, priest, go-between, ruffian, and publican ; and the last dignity to which infallibly he must attain is either the galleys or the gallows." But the innkeeper never troubles himself with fore- casting, and most, like this one, might declare that in the publican's trade is to be enjoyed more liberty than in Geneva itself. From the innkeeper of the Guadarrama or \ the Sierra Morena, robbing, or in league with brigands, it is an easy step to the bandolero$ themselves, who figure through the romances of roguery as the picaro's enemies rather than as his friends. They are never as interesting as the rogues, for with them the place of wit is supplied by force. Sheer bravado carries off the day, and ingenuity is at a discount ; nor are they essentially Spanish types. Celes- 130 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY tina, Elena's mother, loses her life at the hands of bandits when on a journey. Teresa is set upon in the Sierra Morena and becomes the bone of contention among her robber captors. As they are fighting over her, she escapes, and later brings them all to justice. So, too, the outlaws with whom Periquillo robs in the mountains are taken when disputing concern- ing a fair captive. They are not villains for the joy of it, however, as the picaros are rogues, but have retired to wreak vengeance upon an unkind world. Sometimes the picaro becomes their unwilling agent, like Lazarillo de Manzanares, who is seized and forced to enter a house ransacked by robbers, serving for their scapegoat, or like Juan in the Passa- gero^ who is used as a tool by grave-robbers to hand up jewels from a tomb where pres- ently he is left immured. Rufina and Garay in a wood overhear robbers planning an ex- pedition, and one of them, a young man of good family who has left his studies to fol- low this profession, that night relates a story to pass the time. But Rufina, although she is entertained, does not scruple to get him and his fellows executed. There is small love SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 131 lost between rogues and robbers always, al- though Marcos tells of a student returning from Salamanca with empty pockets who was encountered by brigands as he went singing on his way. They took him to their den, and were for killing him lest he inform upon them ; but one set him free, whom long after he was able to save in return by securing a commuta- tion of his sentence from death to the galleys. Marcos himself, however, is held up by bold vaqueros near Ronda, and with Doctor Sagredo only escapes at their flight before troops. More picturesque, but performing a similar v / office of plot complication, the gypsies of the 1 / romances of roguery are all cheats and impor- 1 tunate beggars ; and their life as mirrored by these novels hardly differs from that of to-day. Occasionally, however, assemblies of rogues seem to have been mistaken for the genuine gypsy. Lazarillo comes upon such a band by whom he is well received, and among whom he finds an attractive girl who describes her early career. She was first preferred by a priest, then fallen in love with by the jailer set to guard her, and finally, an alguazil was also her slave, whom she befooled by arranging a quarrel 182 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY in which blood from a bladder gave the appear- ance of real slaughter. When Lazarillo asks if all her companions were indeed born in Egypt, the prompt rejoinder is, " not one ; they are friars, clerks, nuns, or thieves escaped from solitude, convents, or prisons, and the worst among them are the friars, who have exchanged a contemplative for an active life." But no mere renegades are the gypsies overtaken by Marcos in the Sierra de Ronda, half-clad and wicked-looking, some afoot and some on limp- ing mules. True gitanos of the tribe, they begin by asking alms, and end by demanding them. Marcos dispenses wine and bread and finaUy money through fear, but at a narrow pass with a mountain above and a precipice below, where he trembles lest they push him off the trail, one seizes his mule. The picaro, never failing in wit, is equal to the emergency. He professes to have left a comrade behind, whose steed has failed from being overladen with treasure. At this, the gypsies cannot too quickly turn about, and Marcos is relinquished in the confusion. The same mule he so nearly loses here was earlier stolen by a gypsy whom the hero found offering it for sale. An hidalgo, SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE»S EYE 188 intrusted with the matter, pretended he would buy it, but must first test its qualities. He took it home ; but the fumes of the wine it had been given to induce docility being dissipated, the animal returned to its former maliciousness, and the gitano^ who had vowed it to be a pattern of all gentleness, on showing how it was shod, received a kick that more than com- pensated Marcos for his loss. The wiles of Egypt are further exposed by Pindaro, for whom Julia, a foolish girl, has so great a pas- sion, that she consults a gypsy witch how to secure its requital. Promising much, the ^^g9 by night, leads the girl to a distant part of the town, while gypsy accomplices enter the door Julia has been persuaded to leave un- locked. The heroine of the Sabia Flora Mai- sahidilla is herself a gitana^ the daughter of gypsy rogues of Cantillana, and known as the "Sun of Egypt." Of her father, who was hanged and quartered, she says delicately to one ignorant of the facts, that he died of a pain in the neck, which lasted but briefly, and so humble was he in spirit that he would not accept a tomb in a chapel, but his body was parted because he owed much to many. Had 134 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY he lived another year he would surely have attained a title, meaning, of course, that of el conde de gitanosy chief of the band. Her mother, she declares, was a wonderfully peni- tent lady, who for mortification went barefoot, slept on the earth, and received the whip-lash frequently. Flora herself is seen busied with attempting to compass a cheating match in which she is to pass for a fine lady. A con- trast to Flora is Cervantes' heroine, Preciosa, of La gitanilla^ the prototype of all romantic gypsy girls. She has nothing in common with her cheating sisters, and proves indeed at the last to be of better blood than they. With the author of Don Quixote^ she is as much the ffitana idealized as with Victor Hugo in Notre Dame de Pains^ or with Longfellow in the Spanish Student. A charming figure, she has not the life of the real gypsy, as the picaresque novels portray it. But with the genuine nomad the most intimate if an involuntary- acquaintance is made by Alonso. Dismissed from the convent where he has been donado^ Alonso is laid hold of by gypsies, dragged before their conde, and stripped of his money and clothing. An old woman de- SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 185 mands even his last rag for her son on the plea that he suffers from a cold stomach. The gypsies' only fare is a goat they steal from a shepherd, which they wash down with cold water. Alonso is allowed to stand by their fire, but all night his teeth chatter, and a skin which he finds and wraps about him is taken away by a hag who declares she has used it for two gen- erations as a couch. So he goes naked several days until he secures the rags of an ancient gitano who dies opportunely. As one of the crew, he works at a forge and accompanies the women on their begging and thieving expedi- tions. They tell fortunes, teach their children to flatter, and playing the role of astrologers and diviners, rob wherever they can. Once a rich widow is persuaded by gitanas to put all her jewels in a jar on the floor surrounded by candles, being told that as riches attract riches, a hidden treasure will so be forthcoming. All kneeling down, the gitanas in altered voices issue divine commands to the widow to dress herself in her finest, and while she is gone upon this errand, they make off with the jar and its contents. Alonso himself becomes skilled in deception. He discovers a thief in an hidalgo's 186 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY house by giving to each of the servants sticks of equal length, and assuring them solemnly that on the morrow the thief s stick will have grown four fingers longer than any of the others. The culprit apprehensively cuts her stick four fingers shorter to allow for the growth, and thus is exposed.^ At another time Alonso pretends to have found a purse of money, and taking it to the priest has it an- nounced after mass. A gypsy accomplice claims and identifies it, and Alonso, who has posed as a destitute pedler, through his seeming hon- esty gets credit for being a saint, and receives a contribution from the appreciative worship- pers, and a dinner from the eorregidorJ^ But even success cannot for long reconcile the rogue to so dangerous a life where the prison is sure and the galleys probable. At the first chance, therefore, he forsakes the calling, richer ^ This story, slightly altered, with rouge in a bowl placed on bells in place of the sticks, occurs earlier in Marcos de Obregon, Rel. I., 16 ; and later in Charles SorePs Histoire eomique de Francion, in Livre ix. (Livres yiii.>xi., 1631), where blowing on a candle-flame is sabstitated. *This story is in Guzman de Alfarache, Pt. II., 8, 7, where the same trick is used to impress a widow's reverencl counsellor with Guzman's probity ; but it comes direct from Massuccio's H novellino, where it is the 16th novella. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 137 in experience and pocket than when he entered it. A deeper enmity than any against the gypsies was that borne by the rogue in common with all Spaniards against the Moriscos. | Islam had met open defeat in the Teninsula, but Islam was not dead there, for the Arab peoples who remained behind kept to themselves, and would forsake neither habits nor beliefs. Outwardly they conformed to the pressure brought to bear upon them, but inwardly they were unchanged in thought and custom. All Spanish authors of the period or travellers in Spain cry out against these infidels who retained their language, and were Christians merely by force. The frequent resort to baths was unfavorably construed as a reminiscence of washings before entering the mosque. The retention of Arab names in spite of orthodox christenings was a theme for abuse. Don Francisco Bermudez de Pedraza, a canon and treasurer of the cathedral of Granada, declared : " The Moriacos are not Moors admit- tedly, but heretics in secret, in whom faith is IsLcking while baptism abounds. They go to mass for fear of paying the penalty, work on fiestas behind closed doors with greater gusto L 188 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY than on other days, and Fridays they observe more rigorously than Sundays." To which charge he adds that they wash themselves though it be December, that they christen .their children, but straightway with heathen cere- monies remove all trace of the sacrament, and that they delight in stealing Christian infants to carry to Barbary.^ In the romances of roguery, although the role of the Morisco is an unimpor- tant one, altogether subordinate in interest to that played by Moors in Algeria or renegade Spaniards there, still it adds not a little to the characteristic stage setting. The mother of the Ingeniosa Elena was a slave called Maria by her masters, but Zara by her parents. Each year she fulfilled the obligations of the Church through fear, but she was as good a Morisca as any in Granada, and something of a witch and go-between besides, whence her nickname of the Second Celestina. The Donado Hablador tells of a Morisco boy called Juanillo abroad, and Hamete within-doors ; and shows a Morisco stealing from his masters and sending back & satirical letter from Barbary. Rojas in tho ^ HUtoria eclesiaatica, principios y progresses de la ciuda^ y religion catdlica de Granada, 1638, cap. 82. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 139 Viage entretenido is mortified at being claimed by a Morisco of Ronda for his son, and Justina finds it difl&cult to conquer her aversion when she goes to serve a Moorish hag who is made to appear in league with the devil. This witch is a spinner of wool, associated with two others of the faith as sinister as she. From these three graces, Justina learns many cheats, and by Lying their wool, and keeping it in damp places to increase the weight, she ekes out a living, winning the title of marchioness of the woofs. The old Moriaca promises to be a mother to Justina, but her religious views, which are evident from her calling prayer the conjury of abbots, inspires the picara with fear. One night during a tempest, Justina finds her mistress dead, and realizes that the elements must be celebrating. She binds the corpse with cords and rifles her treasure, but no masses are said for the soul of the deceased, Justina remembering her aversion to them in life. In the Soldado Pindaro among the roguish tricks played by Pero Vasquez of Seville is one upon a merchant with a reputation of being more afiSanced to the crescent than the cross. Pero Vasquez goes to his shop one evening, and, pre- 140 ROMANCES OP ROGUERY tending to look over some cloths, hides a box among them. Visiting the shop again the next morning with his friends, he pulls forth the inlaid box, at which the Moriscoy hopeful of gain, professes it to be his. At this Pero Vasquez opens it, drawing forth what he him- self had arranged there, a gilded Mohammed with the moon beneath his feet and the Koran in his hand. The friends crying out in feigned horror at this discovery, the trembling Moriaco begs them to be quiet lest the Inquisition seize him. A bargain is struck, and Pero Vasquez and the rest depart enriched. And so through the picaresque novels the conclusion with re- gard to the Morucos drawn a century earlier by Cardinal Navagiero is upheld: *'They are enemies of the Spaniards, by whom, however, they are none too well treated."^ But Islam in Spain to the picaro was less a circumstance than Islam in the Mediterranean and in Barbary. Captivity in Algeria and fights with Arab.pirates were matters of every- day occurrence in life, and of frequent use in. fiction. The southern seaboard was never secure from sudden inroads, and no embarka- ^ ViaggiofaUo in Spagna^ etc., p. 26. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 141 tion took place from those shores that the chances of attack by the Moor militant were not weighed. In Algiers the number of cap- tives was immense. For three years thirty thousand Christians had toiled as slaves in the building of the mole there, and the system of piracy, introduced by the Turkish rover, Aruch Barbarossa, and reenforced by the ad- vent of the expelled Moriacos^ was constantly supplying new recruits from the captured, as the old died, turned renegade, were ransomed, or escaped. France, England, and the Vene- tians, exasperated by the Algerine corsairs, might fling fleet after fleet against them, all more successful than the unhappy expedition of Charles Fifth, yet the Mediterranean was still the province of Moslem depredation. The horrors of Algerine captivity found faith- ful presentation in such serious works as La historia y topografta de Argel^ brought out in 1612 at Valladolid by the friar, Diego de Haedo, even if these horrors were glossed over sometimes in the general comedy of pica- resque fiction. But among the picaros the father of Guzman de Alfarache, making a voyage, is taken, and 142 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY carried to Algiers, where he becomes a rene- gade and is married to a rich wife. Biding his time, however, he collects her portable wealth on a plea of entering commerce, and decamps to Spain. Alonso, embarking at Alicante for Bar- celona with some comedians, is storm driven, his bark beached on the shore before Algiers, the elements having done the work of the pirates. The viceroy himself appropriates Alonso and the players, but the hero can only remark the poor food and unremitting labors of aU captives. Everybody is flogged at short shifts, and a rower in the galleys, suspected of laxity in effort, has his arm struck off as a warning to others. When the players are bidden to per- form before the viceroy they unfortunately select for their piece La rehelion de Q-ranada, and meet martyrdom on account of its anti- morisco sentiments ; but Alonso, who has acted as corpse, and as page to the Moor- ish king, is spared and ransomed. Pindaro engages in a naval battle with seven Turkish ships off the island of Iviza, where a storm disperses the vessels and the hero is wrecked. The surviving Spaniards band together on shore with a company of Moorish captives. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 143 defeating their enemies. A Moor, whom Pin- daro befriends here, turns out to be really a Spaniard, Figueroa, his boyhood companion, captured while mackerel-fishing near Cadiz and taken to Algiers. There he had married his master's daughter and become a renegade, acquiring riches through piracy. Now he is reconciled to the Church by Pindaro and dies a good Christian. Most of the captured, how- ever, from the first only feign conversion to Mohammedanism, and are plotting escape through securing the favor of their masters or making Moorish marriages. Marcos de Obregon's Algerine tells him of a Moor who captured on the Spanish coast a beautiful girl that he brought back to Barbary treating her kindly, and making her his wife. For seven years she seemed reconciled to her new life although always planning to get away. At last during the absence of her lord on a piratical expedition, she escaped in a brigan- tine, eluding the pursuit of the galleys sent after her, but falling in with her husband's own ship. The lady ordered that her sailors don the Turkish habit, so their continued flight was taken by the Turks aboard the 144 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY husband's ship, all of whom were in Spanish dress, to be the result of fear, and an excel- lent joke, and the lady reached Spain safely, where she expended her infidel lord's fortune in charity. Obregon himself is not reduced to such ruses to secure his liberty, for it is presented him by his renegade master. Wrecked off the Balearics, and taking refuge on Cabrera, Marcos had been wont to fre- quent a cool cave on the island, from which he was warned because of the Turks who would often replenish their stock of water there. One day surprised by pirates in this cave, the hero believed them his companions in disguise, but was disabused of this idea when carried to Algiers. There he becomes the tutor of his master's son, and the rene- gade's daughter falls desperately in love with him. She is strangely dejected until at length he makes her gay by a pretended spell, simply repeating sweet words in Spanish which no one else understands. But his fame for this cure grows troublesome, as all the women in Algiers are at his heels to be relieved of melan- cholia. Upon one lady he tries his Salamanca logic formula, Barbara^ celarent^ darii^ ferioy SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 146 bardHpton^ and although she has no idea what it means she is made to laugh. The renegade is so proud of Marcos that he treats him rather as friend than as slave, and promises him freedom on the condition of discovering the thief of the viceroy's treasure. Marcos learns that Hazen, the vizier, is suspected, but no one dares accuse him. Accordingly he procures a thrush which he teaches to say, ** Hazen stole the money." The bird being loosed when the viceroy goes to the mosque, begins its cry from the top of a minaret. Everybody listens breathless, taking it for a sign from Mohammed, and by means of astrolo- gers and torture Hazen finally confesses. So Marcos, after he has paved the way for the conversion of his master's son and daughter, is carried back to the Balearics by the rene- gade himself. Later, in Spain the escudero is nearly recaptured; two brigan tines land- ing suddenly, he is seized and taken aboard; but the Turks in the midst of rejoicings ashore are attacked by the Spaniards, whereupon the few on the vessels unbind the prisoners as the only chance of saving their own lives. A res- cue by Spaniards, too, spares Doctor Sagredo, 146 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY whose ship, returning from the Pacific, is way- laid by Turks in sight of Gibraltar. But the hero of the Bia y noche de Madrid^ like Marcos, is well treated by Algerines and freed from captivity by a kind master that he may satisfy his dearest wish of viewing the Spanish capital. Cervantes in his Trato de Argel^ and its re- working, Los hafloB de Argel^ in the story of the Captive in Quixote^ as well as in his J?Z gaU lardo Uspaflol and elsewhere, has given graphic pictures of Islam in conflict with the Spaniard, needing to go no farther afield than his own bitter experiences during those five years of captivity in Algiers, when indomitable courage alone sustained him, and death was constantly threatened. That this peculiar phase of life offered, too, an opportunity for fraud was appreciated by at least one rogue, Teresa de Manzanares, who passes herself off as the daughter of Don Sancho de Mendo^a, taken in infancy by the corsairs and now returned to Spain full grown. From a servant who has lived in Algiers, she learns the customs and some words of the language, and in Moorish clothes tlie two present themselves before Don Sanclio, WoJ^fti^ t SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S Erir 147 J having forged a notary's statement of their landing at Valencia with a band of refugees. Unluckily the impostors are no sooner installed with the overjoyed father than the real daugh- ter appears, and Teresa is obliged to relinquish her pretentions. For other peoples and in later years, Moorish captivity and piratical adven- ture might become a romantic episode of fic- tion, buj^ior the Spaniard at this period it was a fg^^nly too real and terrible. 'he hidalgo, or petty nobleman, of the ro- mances of roguery for the most part escapes the satire of the picaro, and is a lay figure, a master to be tricked or served, except in two or three notable instances. Even here, a kindly feeling is displayed by the sharper for the threadbare gentleman, quite unusual in the rogue, and to be accounted for on the ground of common pov- erty. But where, as in Lazarillo de Manzanares or Marcos de Obregon^ the hidalgo is merely a beneficent agent, and indeed wherever he is not poor and proud, he is uninteresting. The clas- sic prototype of all proud hidalgos is he with y whom Lazarillo de Tormes engages as page. Well-groomed and walking with an air of ease and consequence, he is followed about all day 1 148 HOMANCES OF KOGUERT by the boy, who gets nothing to eat, the gentle- man declaring he breakfasted early and never dines until evening. Lazarillo is famished, and on his pulling forth some crusts got in his beg- ging career, his master shares them with him, only asking if the bread were made with clean hands. When evening comes, the hidalgo con- cludes that the market is too distant to visit till the morrow ; besides, he holds that nothing will insure length of life so much as eating little. Lazarillo prepares their hard bed, where the slats show through an old coverlet like the ribs of a lean hog ; and in the morning cleans his master's clothes, which have served as a pillow through the night. Buckling on his sword, which all the gold ever coined might not buy from him, and throwing the comer of his cloak over his shoulder with a jaunty air, the hidalgo saunters forth to hear mass, or to flirt with veiled ladies, who are charmed until they find he can indulge them in no luxuries. The starv- ing page in the meantime is obliged to revert to his old trade of begging, and the gentleman, returning at night, professing to have dined, is again persuaded to eat of the store his servant has brought in. So they live, Lazarillo forag- SOCIETY THROUGH THE B0GITE»S EYE U9 ing, and the hidalgo swelling with pride and shrunken with hunger. A law is passed for- bidding beggary. Matters go from bad to / worse. One day in the street, seeing a funeral / and hearing a widow complain that they are / taking her husband to the dismal habitation,/ where there is neither eating nor drinking, Lazarillo speeds home and bars the door, sure that it is the hidalgo's house that is meant. The gentleman himself still struts magnificent with a waist as slim as a greyhound's and a straw between his teeth to make it appear he has dined. To the boy he explains that he has ample properties in Castilla Vieja, a stock of houses and an old dovecot, but that honor will not permit him to live there because of a quar- rel with a coimt, who demands that in salutation he shall tip his hat first. Finally, the poor hidalgo, being dunned for the rent of his bed and room, on the pretence of going out to change a gold piece disappears, and Lazarillo, who has consideration for nobody else, declares that never again does he see a gentleman like his master, moving in state as if the street were scarcely wide enough, without pitying him from his heart ^^ to think that with aU his apparent 160 BOMANCES OF BOGUEBT g^reatness he might at that moment suffer priva- tions equally hard to endure/' And he adds, ** All that I blamed him for was the extrava- gance of his pride, which, I thought, might have been somewhat abated towards one who, like myself, knew his circumstances so intimately. Beyond this, little can be added to round out the role of the hidalgo. Although later writers rang the changes on the theme, none could ap- proach its earliest presentation. Gertfnimo de Alcala shows Alonso engaged in Toledo to a proud but improvident gentleman, dependent upon his parents, and married against their wishes to a shrew. Presently, bread and money giving out, love follows suit, and the hidalgo and his bride even come to blows. The house- hold's only resource lies in the verse and prose effusions of the gentleman, all of which are tried upon the long-suffering page, who would much prefer edibles. Don Tom^, whom the Bachiller Trapaza serves, is such another poetiz- ing hidalgo, and even more strongly suggestive of Lazarillo's master. Elegant in his personal appointments, he lives in poverty, which he re- lieves by playing the parasite, his seat being paid for at the comedy and his presence allowed SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE^S EYE 151 at the houses of the great because of his wit. But, as if the real hidalgo were not proud and miserable enough, sometimes he was aped by the rqsfde gentry, who descending to the depths of famy retained recollections of better days. An hidalgo of this least fortunate class Pablos overtakes on the way to Madrid. To begin with, the picaro believes him to have alighted for a moment from his coach, so imposing is his manner ; but on closer inspection the gentle- man proves to be threadbare, and his garments falling to pieces. Out of compassion, Pablos mounts the stranger upon his own mule, and as both are bound for the court, they journey on together, the hidalgo declaring that in Ma- drid wit can turn all it touches into gold, and describing the dodges of his trade, whose pro- fessors flatter to live. The mock hidalgos dine at the tables of the rich. In dress they are careful only of what shows, using the same gar- ment in forty different ways. Once a year they attend church, and profess to know everybody; the names of all the dukes and counts they can reel off like prayers, claiming acquaintance with the dead and distant, but women they ^ eschew unless profit be concerned. V/' ^ 164 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY both suffer discomfort and are effectually cured of their love. Another barber lover, patterned undoubtedly upon this one, pays his devotion to the wife of a one-eyed sacristan, the master of Lazarillo de Manzanares. Here, when the barber is on the verge of being detected, resort is had to the old Eastern expedient of the lady's covering her lord's good eye by a ruse while the lover beats a retreat.^ Simplicity in other things is also a trait of the barber ; for Trapaza, as a student, tricks. one of the fra- ternity, by pretending to be a rich Peruvian exceedingly exacting, and demanding that the barber wash his hands at each moment; finally he sends him off with a copper which he never looks at, supposing it after so much ceremony to be gold. With the rogues, how- ever, not with the simple, is connected the chief satire on the trade itself. Pablos' father is adroit in cutting in more ways than one. The Licenciado Periquin is apprenticed to a barber, robs the customers, and makes ^ This was the 8th story of Petrus Alphonsus, the 6th of the Heptameron, the 16th of the Cent nouvelles nouvelles, the 23d of the Ist Part of Bandello, the 2d of Sabadino degli ArierUi, and is to be found in the Oesta Bomanorum and elsewhere. 1 SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 156 way with his master's lancets and razors. Alonso describes a poor student who allowed himself to be shaved gratuitously by a begin- ner, and hearing a dog baying, judged that it, too, must be losing its skin. Estevanillo is a hopeless blunderer with the razor. While his master is called away one day by a street quarrel from an hidalgo whose mustache he was dressing, Estevanillo tries his hand, and saves his life only by flight. Sometime afterward he is placed with another barber, his father agree- ing upon a forfeit if his year be not served out. Hi8 first experiment is upon a beggar, and his new master, returning from a bleeding, finds the shop fiUed with an angry crowd, and the beggar's wife disclaiming him, so hacked is he. Put on probation, before an- other month has passed the picaro has nearly severed the ear of a merchant's son, and before the year is done his father has to pay the forfeit and large damages as well, since Estevanillo, with the best of his master's tools, decamps to Naples. Thr jlftjrnrn iind affiliated j)oet8 of the ro- mances of roguery are entertaining Bohemians, and itinerant companies come in for their share 1! 156 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY of attention. The Viage entretenido of Bojas, although lacking in unity as a story, gives the best description of the life of these strollers, so careful indeed as to prove a valuable com- mentary on the Spanish stage at the end of the sixteenth century. The eight orders of companies and actors are described, from the buluia^ a single performer who, mounted on a box, recites a whole comedy before the curate, the barber, and the sacristan of a village, with the curate taking up the collection in a som- brero, to the fardndtUc^ with three women, eighteen comedies, two trunks for costumes, and muleteers or carts for travelling. Here the actors put up at good inns, eat apart, wear feathers in their hats, twirl their mustaches, and live content, except such as are in love; while in the full-fledged compafLia there is a repertoire of as many as fifty comedies, with palfreys, coaches, and litters for transportation, " thirty who dine and heaven knows how many who steal." Rios and Solano in the Viage^ recounting their adventures, describe evading a bill at an inn by means of escape with a sheet from a window, on this occasion running off with the advance sales of an advertised play on SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 157 Cain and Abel. At another time Rios, in the same comedy, forgetting the knife with which to kill Abel, was pursued by the incensed audi- ence. The two rogues live by helping muleteers at taverns and playing for carters in courtyards until they are going about almost naked, and the autor of a company in pity receives them. Here for a month they journey from town to town, bearing the manager's wife in a hand chair when it rains, the autor himself and two others carrying the goods, and a boy the drum and the baubles. Sometimes the lady wears a mask or false beard to protect her complexion in travelling, and these artists do not disdain to forage by the way. In their favorite piece. La resurrecidn de LdzaroSy the atUor^ playing the part of Christ, one day cries in vain to Lazarus " Surge^ %urge ! " and thinking Solano asleep in his tomb, finds in dismay that he has fled. But the foolish people take it for a miracle, and deem him translated to heaven at the very least. So the actors lead a varied life, some borrowing mantles for costumes which they forget to return, some collecting bread and eggs and sardines as entrance fees, and some sleeping on the earth with arms crossed to keep 168 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY warm when lacking capes. With the best the toils are excessive, because of the lines to be learned and the roads to be traversed, and on the whole the actor must experience more changes than the moon and more perils than the frontier. Guzman de Alfarache, charmed at first with the notion of the stage, is soon disillusionized. He has read profane books, and for love of Isabela, an actress, determines to join a troop of performers. The free and vagabond life of people to-day at the court, to-morrow at Seville or Toledo, appeals to him. They may always enjoy a new world, content with the present, without care for the future. "And this exterior fully satisfied me," says the picaro, " although afterwards I saw how bitter sometimes is what outwardly appears delight- ful." Alonso enters a company of comedians, where he is given disagreeable tasks off the stage and silent roles upon it, and he, too, is impressed with the difficulty of the profession. If the summer be hot, he complains, nobody attends the play, if the winter be rainy nobody ventures abroad, if one of the royal family die representations must cease. To a curate he SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 169 defends the drama and approves the return of women after Philip Second had banished them from the boards, for it seems to him out of place that boys should take female parts. A candidate for a professorial chair at Sala- manca, Alonso declares, was opposed by a rival on the score that he had b^fen a player, but carried the election readily by asking for the votes of such students as had acted also. Teresa de Manzanares joins comedians at Granada, where an old lover of hers, marry- ing her, advises the step. By her acting and singing she wins fame, and when her husband grows remiss, a prince is doubly devoted, and the autar of the company would be so too did she permit it. At Seville crowds attend the performances; but to be revenged upon this avtor Teresa suddenly refuses to play, and the physicians who attend her are tricked. Sarabia, her lord, writing an entremSs upon them, entitled La prueva de los doctorea^ is way- laid, the autor is imprisoned for debt, and the company breaks up. Such is the end, too, of the troupe to which Pablos for a time is attached. He meets the strollers at an inn, and finding among them an old companion of leo ROMANCES OF ROGUERY Alcala, is permitted to join their ranks. Making love to one of the actresses, he un- wittingly confides the whole matter to the lady's husband, without, however, incurring any displeasure. In Toledo he ventures upon a part, which fortunately requires him to be clad in armdr, since he is saluted with volleys of rotten oranges from the audience. The author of the play is blamed, but explains that he has only made a patchwork of other men's effusions, and Pablos takes the cue and sets up as an author himself, earning reputa- tion for a piece all godliness. Blind men flock to him for ballads, and lovers for laudatory verses. He hires a house and writes his plays in the garret in emulation of genius. But when most of the insolvent company are arrested, Pablos concludes to forsake a bad calling. The same rogue meets a clerical poet who rails at the learned of Alcala for lack of appreciation, and professes to have stanzas for each of the eleven thousand virgins of Saint Ursula, a comedy patterned on jEsop, and nine hundred and one sonnets and twelve redondillas on the limbs of his mistress, conceits which he admits in the last instance are not descriptive. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 161 but merely by way of prophecy. At every remark from tlie picaro the poet is reminded of some piece of his, and at Madrid he is greeted affectionately by a host of blind ballad-singers, against whom Pablos reads a mock proclama- tion. These blind men seem to have been closely allied with the scribblers, and used by them sometimes as instruments of revenge ; for a poet in the Pedro de Urdemalas^ quarrelling with a gambler, has a ballad-singer chant scur- rilous verses which bring down condign punish- ment. All the poets of the romances of roguery are tedious folk, from Justina and Estevanillo with their rhymed conceits, to the bard whom Trapaza meets on a stage-coach, reciting his entremeses and recounting the hardships of get- ting comedies accepted. Poetical academies Uke that of the Diablo cojuelo, and philosophi- cal academies like that of the Siglo PitagSrico were in fashion as an elegant social diversion, brought over from Italy in the sixteenth cen- tury, and early patronized by such men as the conquistador^ Fernando Cortes. Usually satir- ized, these polite conventions for discussion and entertainment had a marked influence in the picaresque novel, and determined the form of 162 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY many of the lesser works of Salas Barbadillo and Castillo Sol6rzano. But of all the poets, perhaps the most successful is Don Jaime of the Q-ardufia de Sevilla^ who is only a feigned one. He pretends to be the author of a com- edy which he reads aloud to a company of players; and on its poor reception, as if in anger, he oversets the candles, and then in the confusion departs with two thousand escudos provided for a fiesta. In the society scrutinized by the picaresque novels, amusing as are the pictures of most estates, and valuable to-day for their faithful record of forgotten manners, none naturally are so interesting as those that paint the mendi- cants and rogues themselves united in a body- politic. Among the mendicants, Lazarillo de Tormes' blind master is a veritable patriarch. More than an hundred prayers he knows to re- peat in a pleasing voice, with an air of pro- found piety. He has charms and prognostics for every occasion, and is sought after by women as a quack. His adroitness brings hinx more in a month than an hundred other blind men might get in a year, and Lazarillo, having imbibed the begging instinct with his mother's SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 163 milk, and studied it as an art under this, its greatest master in all Spain, becomes an adept himself. With an humble voice, his hands folded on his breast, and the Lord's name on his lips, he goes from house to house, and so can live in a town which, he says, has no more charity than would save a saint from starva- tion. Later, when parted from his wife, he begs on the way to Madrid; wine abounding that year, he receives drink where he can get no food, and is soon more merry than a girl on the eve of a fiesta, and bursts forth into an encomium upon beggary. " To tell the truth," he declares, "the picaresque life is life, and no other merits the name." If the rich would taste it, they must forsake their riches as did the ancient philosophers ; indeed, the philo- sophic and the picaresque life is all one, the only difference being that the philosophers at- tain this ideal existence in leaving what they possess, and the picaro possesses it without leaving anything. Still more intimate and infatuated with beg- gary is Guzman de Alfaraclie. Departing from Genoa, he is now in one place, now in another, asking charity in all. He studies to please the Id4 KOMANCES OF KOGtJEEY rich, to arouse pity in the lowly, and awake the pious to a sense of duty. Arrived at Rome, he learns the ordinances of the mendicants in which it is laid down that each nation shall have its own way of begging, the Germans singing in chorus, the French praying, the Flemish making reverences, the gypsies impor- tuning, the Portuguese weeping, the Tuscans haranguing, the English abusing, but the Cas- tilians proud and suffering. The beggars are to assemble at certain inns, ruled over by their ancients; they must carry substantial staves, wear nothing new, and communicate fortunate tricks and discoveries to the whole fraternity, with the privilege, however, of a three-months monopoly for the finder. The infirm are to go two by two on opposite sides of the street, one beginning to complain where the other leaves off. Alms must be received only in the hat, although hidden purses and pockets are per- missible. Those who use beggfing dogs are not to interfere with those who ask at church doors. The childless may hire as many as four little ones five years of age or under, but at least one is to be carried in arms. The maimed beggars are not to haunt the quarters of the SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 166 healthy, nor should the latter club with those of special . trades, as redeemed captives, false soldiers and sailors, field-preachers, and musi- cians. Guzman is further informed by an ex- pert Cordovan how he should conduct himself in Rome, refraining from disturbing the siesta of the rich and from grumbling at hard usage. He is taught the knack of raising swellings, false leprosies and ulcers, and of feigning pallor. At evening the rogue and his friends dispute on exclamations they invent to draw money from the pitying or the flattered. On fiestas they occupy the choicest stations in the churches, or scour the suburbs for the pro- duce of compassion. To the traveller descried at a distance they call out woefully in time for him to get his hand to his pocket; when a number approach, they assume dijBferent roles, falling suddenly halt, blind, and mute. Pretty women Guzman looks in the eyes, and on kiss- ing their hands with fervency, his pleasure in the caress is mistaken for the overflow of grati- tude. He tells of a mendicant of Florence who willed his ass to be sold to bury him, and the saddle to be given to the Grand Duke. The prince was offended until a fortune was 166 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY discovered concealed in his bequest, the profits of a busy life. At Gaeta, with an artificial scab on his head, Guzman befools the governor into bestowing gifts upon him, but disguising anew, and with a painted ulcer on his leg, this time he is recognized. The governor in apparent good faith promises the picaro a shirt to his back, which proves to be woven from sound blows; but undiscouraged, the rogue tries a similar deception upon a cardinal and meets with more success. Micer Morcon, king of the mendicants, and a friend to Guzman, is a jolly fellow, fat and happy, although bare of foot and head. He orders his subjects to quit asking as soon as the day's necessities are satisfied, argu- ing that no beggar should allow himself to think of the morrow; and like Guzman he is never weary of dilating upon the beauties of the art which for most becomes a darling habit. One poor woman in Rome, having subsisted all her life upon charity and then receiving a bequest, is unable to break off this trade, falling ill of the desire for begging. Finally as a nun she is able to continue, pretending she does it to acquire humility. " No condition of life is so happy as that of a beggar," says Guzman, " and SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 167 fortunate were it indeed if every one could know when he is well off." All of the anti-heroes are not of the same opinion, however. Periquillo, who turns leader to a begging blind man, because he had heard that the life of the picaro is a fine one, after en- during all the discomforts of the trade, finally counsels himself thus, "Leave the guiding of the blind to Lazarillos and Alf araches, for you have some good in you yet which will be ruined in this roguish life." No such scruples trouble Estevanillo, who in Paris frequents the Spanish embassy, blistered and bandaged, demanding money for his restoration until a stipend is actually promised him. Flattery never comes amiss in the profession, as Periquin understands, who, going from door to door and meeting one enamored of his own hands, asks that they be laid upon a bruised pate since such pretty things must serve as a cure. Instead of a real he receives four for this diplomacy, and the ladies with whom the gallant is talking bestow eight more when he thanks God who made him neither a stone, nor a tree, nor a marquis, nor a count, but simply a suppliant to them. Beg- ging is an expedient by which every picaro may 168 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY retrieve his fortunes or pass in disguise. Laza- rillo de Manzanares takes to it when robbed and left destitute, and in the IHa y noche de Madrid^ conversely, robbers ply as beggars. Marcos de Obregon, pursued by justice and seeking sanctuary in a church, evades capture through the sacristan's posting him as a beggar among the rest at the church door ; and Jus- tina, anxious to raise money to purchase a coveted jewel, exchanges her fine mantle for a faded one, and hiding her face, begs at a church, doing a good trade with young men who admire her figure, one of whom on that account goes to his devotions seven times. Don Pablos, after having been beaten as punishment for his love pretensions, procures rags, goes on crutches, and joins the begging trade, where he finds that saying Jesu takes better with the commoners than Jesus. His boon comrade is a fellow who uses cords to swell his arms, flatters all who pass, and has children to beg and steal for him ; and Pablos adopts the same means to carry on his business. Finally both attain prosperity by kidnapping children and returning them for a reward, claiming to have saved them from disaster. In the Ardid de la SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 169 pobreza Andres de Prado shows four poor rogues meeting in Saragossa, who on adopting beggary elect officers and portion off the streets into begging districts, with a code of laws, according to which one of them, for merely walking with a lady through the captain's questing territory, is fined for trespass. Besides the rogues who are anti-heroes and anti-heroines of the picaresque novels, there are other notable cheats and bands of sharpers in these stories, some of whom have already figured under special captions as gypsies, her- mits, or innkeepers, but most of whom are pro- / fessional frauds. Sayavedra, who becomes! Guzman's lackey after having robbed him, is[ such a rogue. He commences as adventurer, embarking for Italy, where he is sneak-thief, cuts ladies' girdles, prowls about stables, enters houses boldly, but if encountered, asks alms, and attends churches and comedies in order to rifle pockets. In journeying through the country, he and his companions are never at expense, living on appropriated fowls by the way. In Naples he brings his cheats to perfec- tion, and practises schemes of defence, a mem- ber of the band always waiting in readiness to 170 EOMANCES OF ROGUERY buttonhole a pursuer. Linen out to dry is his booty, and anything else that comes to hand. He enters the service of a more ambitious rogue of Bologna, son of a professor in the university, whose method is to commit depredations away from home, returning for safety, where his reputation remaining excellent protects him. Marcos de Obregon meets two rascals whom he detects playing an old trick that the English conny-catching pamphlets term that of the ring- faller.^ At night, through a wall, he hears the pair plotting, and in the morning one of them goes ahead with a fine ring, while the other makes friends with Marcos and a couple of merchants, the intended victims. All journey- ing together, the sharper excites the thirst of the company with dry cakes, so that on arriving at a deserted venta they stop to drink, and at the fountain find the ring left by the accomplice. In order to decide who shall have it, they agree to play for it that night, and accordingly all bring up at an inn, where of course is tlie accomplice with a stacked pack of cards. Not 1 This same story in altered form appeared in the JBustaire generate des larronSy 1623, as the 19th of the 1st Part, a diamond taking the place of the ring. SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 171 only the ring, but all of the merchants' money is played for and won by the two rogues, al- though Marcos later outwits them and returns the property to the victims. A boy whom Obregon encounters in his travels is a less sophisticated rogue than these because younger, but his adventures which he relates constitute a picaresque tale in little. Beginning by steal- ing four reales from his father, which he lost at play, and afraid to go home, he slept on a bench in the rain, was beaten by mistake, wandered to Cordova, and with a boy friar tramped to Alcala, begging. At the university he nearly starved, but had a way of snatching bread and running with it to his room, sticking it on nails he had driven in the slats of his bed. As no- body could find it, he always went free until discovered by a master who was scratched on a nail. After this he ran away, and as the two lay-brothers, sent to pursue him, knew the country better than he, the boy hid till they passed and then followed their lead. Wearied -with dodging, at length he appeared to them in a bee-farm, and as they dashed after him he upset the hives, whereupon they were so badly stung that they relinquished the chase. Other 172 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY minor rogues rove through the picaresque novels, from the Frenchman who travels with Estevanillo, donning ragged garb at the en- trance to towns and making lamentations, to the picaro, Pernia, who passes for the Monja Alferez, the original of Belmonte Bermudez' comedy of that name, a noted woman who turned soldier to win glory in the Indies. A cheating alchemist gets the best of so sharp a picaro as Lazarillo de Manzanares ; and Teresa's mother, left a widow, consoles herself with a guest in her lodging-house, only to lose all her savings by his flight. The rascal innkeeper of the Engafio9 deste siglo delivers his spoil to a friend " most skilful in metamorphizing and disguising all sorts of garments in order that they may be sold again even to those who have lost them " ; and a more pretentious " fence " is Periquillo's master, who keeps servants to hire out into rich houses from which they steal. A distinct class of rogue and the most €ypi- ^cally Spanish of all is the valiente or bully who is employed in playing the enraged husband or else in inflicting punishments for pay. AlS a "badger," or cross-biter, as he""waSrknown in sixteenth-century England, the valiente clamors SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 173 for reparation from the innocent victim found with his pretended wife. In the Q-uia y avisos de forasteros^ Mendez of La Mancha visits a lady whose favors he prefers to merit, not to purchase, but as he is taking leave of her, he is seized by her bully. Don Martin in the Nbvelas morales of Agreda y Vargas has a similar trick played upon him in Seville, although his accuser fortunately dies in good season. Such a bully is Lazarillo de Manzanares' most prosperous master. If this gentleman were present when his wife was serenaded, forth he would go to the street, and provided the singer were weaker than he, demand gold for his wounded honor ; but if the gallant were the stronger, then the valiente would bring him in with caresses and eyes on his purse. Ruffians are hired to pursue Trapaza, who has written a satire against a miser that bled himself to escape giving a ban- quet ; and more desperate ones receive ten thousand ducats for an assassination, the blame of which they fix upon Filardo, a stranger in Madrid. A braggadocio bully, an old friend of Don Pablos at Alcala, is met by that anti-hero scarred, and eloquent of battles. He deals in men's lives, selling cuts and slashes, bearing the v 174 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY sign of his trade on his face, and introduces the picaro to his gang, fellows with a smith's shop of swords and daggers about their waists, their beards like brushes, and their eyes staring. Pablos is bidden to rumple his neck-band, thrust out his back, make faces, talk big, swear, and be rude. They all dine on food highly seasoned to promote thirst, and lie along the ground to drink out of a half -hogshead on the floor until they no longer recognize one another. Then they quarrel, jargon, weep, and laud the deeds of a hanged companion, finally swearing to suck up the blood of the officers responsible for taking off so brave a man. Although these bullies in their maudlin bravery do kill two of the guard, most are cowards, who bluster but seldom act. The Sahia Flora MaUahidilla de- picts two valientes^ Cespedos and Calvete, hired to put a gentleman out of the way. They swear par Christo continually, and all their talk is of blood and asking confession. Yet they tremble to draw a sword. They ask wine and are all vinegar ; the chronicler of their achievements is the wind. They bow to a superior, who gives directions and has handed down a decree that from the money for each death inflicted they SOdlETy THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 176 shall pay for three masses for the defunct, thus satisfying all scruples of conscience. Although these two fight as to who shall be privileged to kill their intended victim, both at the critical moment take flight, leaving their cloaks and swords behind. Two other valientes in the Dia y noche de Madrid fight, but allow themselves to be separated, content with the appearance of bravery. One had wounded himself with a pin, telling a fine story of his heroism, and the other equals him with a tale of robbers, the first going home unable to sleep through fear. A similar bloodless quarrel is incited by Pedro de Urdemalas between a corchete of the chief al- guazil and a valiente^ both proud of their fenc- ing, but their only warfare consists in tearing down abusive posters, put up by each other. Juan of the PasBagero for a while is a bully, famous at first through feigned valor and then on reputation; but, stabbed in the exercise of his profession, he abandons it. That Seville was the favorite stamping-ground for this kind of rogue there can be no question. Most of their exploits occur there, and Ramirez in the Viage entretenido^ when lamenting the free-list the comedians are forced to allow in the capital of 176 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY Andalusia, says that one-third of the people enter without paying, either valientes^ who push past the gate-keeper, or those who have seen their entrance and demand admittance as well. Seville, too, is the scene of the hampa^ the congregation of rogues handed down to posterity by Cervantes in his play. El rujian dichoBO^ and in his tale, Hinconete y Cortadillo. In the latter, the two valiente%^ Chiquiznaque and Maniferro, are as sfenuine bravos as any, with their memoranda for cute, cudgelling ink- throwings, and the nailing of horns over the doors of cuckolds ; and other rogues are scarcely less interesting. There are elderly gentlemen with rosaries, who, by their venerable appear- ance, gain entrance to houses, appraise the value of the booty to be got there, and mark the means of access. There are mock students, boys with baskets to act as thieving porters, blind men, pretty girls, and a pious old lady, to say nothing of Monipodio, lord of all, exam- iner of novices, apportioner of labors, and court of last appeal. As in the begging fraternities, so here the streets are divided into territories assigned to different picaros, each to be held responsible for whatever may be stolen in his SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 177 district. Somewhat similar rogue societies are described by Pablos at Segovia and at Madrid. In the former town, Pablos is entertained by his uncle, the hangman, together with a band, including a beggar of charity for the poor at church doors, a swineherd, and a mulatto valiente. They all drink immense quantities i/ of wine, pour the soup without instead of within them, bless the souls of those who have gone to make mince-meat for bakers* pies, and, eating salt to provoke them to drink more, fall into a stupor, as fine rogues as ever lived. At Madrid a more notable company is found, pre- sided over by an old woman, the picaros coming in one by one from their sharping expeditions, the first with a begging-letter for a poor family, another with a set of false missives upon which he collects postage, and two others who have put up a trick on a child at church, one having pretended to be the owner of hand- kerchiefs the child was sent to deliver, and his companion having affirmed him to be so. Now their dispute to the property is decided by the old woman's gathering the handkerchiefs into ruffles to represent shirt sleeves for all; after which, they turn in, packed closer than tools in • 178 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY a tweezer case. In the morning, the scoun- drels help one another dress, and Pablos is made a strange outfit from his scholar's robe, his hat band being of cotton picked from ink-horns, his stockings only meeting the tops of his boots, and the rest in keeping. Assigned to a ward to operate in, Pablos has for conductor one who evades a creditor by letting his hair fall about his face, clapping a patch to one eye, and talking Italian, and who at noon sprinkles his beard and clothes with crumbs, that he may be thought to have dined. When Pablos at night returns to headquarters he finds that his instructor has been beaten for trying to cheat beggars at a monastery, that the soldier has stolen the candle given him to hold at a funeral, that one who pilfers cups at nunneries has secured a new cape by retiring early from a billiard game and leaving his old garment be- hind, that another has spent the day pretending to heal diseases by incantation and prayer, and that still another with a false beard and a cross has gone about crying for folk to remember the dead, taking up alms for masses, and thiev- ing. But this life does not last long, before they all get into custody. J SOCIETY THROITGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 179 As the Ghizman de Alfarache gives the best account of beggary, so the Desordenada codlcia of Dr. Carlos Garcia is most explicit as to organized roguery. Here the thieves are divided into categories as they were in the lAher vagatorum in Germany and in its English, French, and Italian heirs. According to this classification ^ there are above a dozen orders of rogues in Spain. Salteadores steal and kill on the highway ; estaf adores single out rich men, and showing them daggers threaten death un- less a stipulated sum be forthcoming by a certain time ; capeadores snatch cloaks in the night or go in lackey's clothes to places of entertainment, where they carry off plunder, saluting those they meet; grumetes^ deriving their name from boys who, cat-like, scale the tacklings on ship masts, are thieves provided with rope ladders hooked at the top ; ap6 stoles^ like Saint Peter, bear the keys, and are pick- locks; cigarreros haunt public places, cutting off the half of a cloak or a gown ; devotos are religious thieves who spoil images and rely upon the moderation of Church laws for a light 1 Desordenada codicia, Cap. VII. De la diferencia y variedad de los ladronea. 180 KOMANCES OF ROGUERY punishment if detected; sdtiros live in the fields and are cattle thieves ; dacianos kidnap chil- dren three or four years of age, "and breaking their arms and legs, lame and disfigure them that they may afterwards sell them to beggars, blind men, and other vagabonds" ; mat/ordomos steal provisions, and trick inn-keepers; carta- boUas are cut-purses, the commonest thieves of the republic ; duendes^ or hobgoblins, are sneak thieves ; and the maletas are such as are made up in bales or barrels like merchandise and so effect an entrance to houses. Besides these, the liberates slander for pay, inflict punish- ments, throw ink, dirt, and acid, and hang chaplets of horns at doors. As to the organ- ization of thieves itself, there is a captain to direct enterprises and before whom once a week all the thieves meet to make reports and receive instructions for the days to come. Novices have three months in which to acquit themselves of difficult tasks, such as stealing a horse from beneath his rider or snatching a courtier's sash among an hundred people. Then the acolyte is assigned to one of the thirteen orders of knaves according to his abilities. Of all thefts the fifth part goes to public officers SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S BYE 181 who spare the whip, banishment, the galleys, or hanging to such as are condemned, and a certain part is devoted to pious uses, to succor the sick and needy of the fraternity. The thief himself shares equally with the captain ; his accomplices have one-third, and mere spies one-fifth. Women are not admitted to privi- leges in the society except in cases of necessity, because they cannot keep secrets. The only quarrelling allowed is a pretence to draw a crowd and give occupation to the cut-purses. Two are not permitted to dine together more than once a week in taverns, and all have their badges of office, the salteadorea^ a glove hang- ing by one finger ; the capeadores^ their doublets buttoned alternately ; the estaf adores stroking their beards, and the little finger inserted now and then in the nose. To a woman who marries, each of that order gives a portion, but a hob- goblin's daughter must wed a hobgoblin, else her husband pays the duendea a fine. In each of the districts of a town is left a die, and when one thief arrives there the ace is turned up, when another, the deuce, and so on, no more than six being allowed to operate in the same quarter. No thief may wear or dispose of his booty in r i-^,. 182 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY the town of its stealing, and all must carry the paraphernalia of disguise, patches and false beards. In religion the rogues are half Chris- tians, concludes Garcia, loving God, but not their neighbor, allowing two parts of penitence, confession and contrition, but never the third, which is restitution. In this fashion society was reviewed by the picaro, minutely, fearlessly, mockingly ; and of all classes, the nobles alone were spared. The hidalgos, indeed, received some little admoni- tion, although mollified with a certain display of sympathy ; but Berganza, in the Coloquio de los perros^ tempted to attack folk of high estate, and checking himself as on the verge of an im- propriety, no more than voices the sentiment of Spanish literature in general where plebeians have alone been the target of wit. In a novel of rogues, necessarily, low life must absorb the major attention, yet the opportunities for administering blows higher aimed was early appreciated abroad, and Charles Sorel, in the Ordre et Vexamen des livres attrihuSs d Vauteur de la BihliothSque Frangaise^ is found distinguish- ing the romans comiques of the French from the picaresque fictions of Spain on precisely this SOCIETY THROUGH THE ROGUE'S EYE 183 ground. Nevertheless, so thorough a canvass of society for its own sake as the Spanish romances of roguery offered was scarcely again to be had. The novel of manners refined meant the study of manners already beginning to succumb to the personal interest, and for that reason the picaresque tale of the Spaniards in its very crudity is a mine of curious detail, and of value chiefly as such. CHAPTER IV CBUDE FORMS OF THE PICABESQUE NOVEL \ Fbom Seneca and Martial to the Archpriest of Hita, Spain excelled in satire, and the Arch- priest himself, Juan Ruiz, was the first Spanish ancestor of picaresque fiction. In parody and burlesque he found his element, and the same confused formlessness, ironic observation, and love of autobiography that marked his verses, reappeared in prose in the romances of roguery* His Don Furon is the archetype of so familiar a figure as the poor and proud hidalgo of the Lazarillo de Tormes^ and Ruiz was copied in the Celestina still more closely. There the love Melibea and Calisto were patterned upon Don Endrina and Don Melon of the Libra de c tap»^B,nd Celestina, mother of iniquity, revived the procuress, Trota-conventos. This\ Tragi- eomedia de Calisto y Melibea wasiEe most important Spanish precursor of the Lazarillo. First printed at Burgos at the end of the 184 J CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 186 fifteenth century in sixteen acts, and subse- quently extended to twenty-one and even twenty-two, it was a dialogued novel, or novel- istic drama, not adapted to representation, yet wholly dramatic in build; but its influence, although large on the stage, was larger still in the novel. Whoever wrote it, and Fernando de Rojas, in spite of his repudiation of the first act, was probably the author of the whole, the Celestina did in a more serious way what the picaresque novel was to attempt restrictedly ; that is, it laid hold upon reality. Simple life and passion was its subject, not extravagant adventure, and observation its instrument ; but in emotion it attained a deeper reality than any sought by the romances of roguery. The low life centring about the wily Celestina had all the traits of the best picaresque fiction, while the higher life involving the lovers en- tirely transcended anything in the tales of anti-heroes. The trenchant, never superfluous, dialogue, the restraint in expression, so unlike either theArchpriest of Hita or the romances of roguery, and the feeling for character were sufficient to stamp this tragi-comedy as a master- piece. In the sixteenth century it was as popu- \ 186 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY 1 4 \ lar as Quiocote^in the seventeenth. A philosopher like Ludovico Vives might decry it as nequitiarem parens^ career amorum^ yet even he must finally reverse his verdict, when the chief personages of the book and their sayings had passed into common proverb, and editions, additions, and imitations were mounting up prodigiously. Both Cepeda and Velasco brought it upon the boards, the one in prose, the other in verse, and before them Feliciano de Sylva had resur- rected from her grave the wise old bawd in his Segunda Oelestina of 1530, Domingo de Castega had added a second part in 1534, and Gaspar - Gomez de Toledo a third in 1539. The dia- holiea vieja Claudina of the Tragedia policiaria in the next decade, and the religious but in- famous Marcelia of the Florinea of 1654 were amplified Celestinas, and the same year, which was also that of the appearance of the Lazarillo de Torme9^ found still another echo in the Come- dia Selvaggia of Alonso de Villegas. Trans- lations into Latin and the chief languages of Europe were a matter of course, as were early verse transcriptions and later dramatic render- ings in Spanish. Of the latter, some like the Portuguese Comedia Eufrosina^ composed in CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 187 1666, but done into Castilian in 1631, were less picaresque than their original; while others, with the Segunda Celestina of Agustin Salazar and the EBcuela de Oelestina of Salas Barbadillo, were rather more so. Of the actual romances of roguery, Barbadillo's St/ia de Oelestina and his Sabia Flora MaUabidilla have been referred to as lineal descendants of the Caliato y Melt- bea, but for all picaresque novels Celestina was recognized as godmother. The curious frontis- piece to the 1605 and the 1608 Medina del Campo and Brussels editions of the Picara Jtistina shows that anti-heroine in the allegoric ship, La nave de la vida picara^ side by side with a bespectacled crone, La madre Celestina. Sempronio, Parmeno, and the ruffian Centurio, — with Areusa and Elicia, the roaring girls, as Middleton would have styled them, were folk from the stews, but full of truth and vigor. They were part and parcel of the picaresque clan, although scarcely careless and witty enough in fact, if in theory they could state the picaro's philosophy to a nicety. Elicia in James Mabbe's archaic English declares : " As long as we have meat for to- day, let us not thinke on to-morrow; let to- 188 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY morrow care for itself e ; as well dies he that gathers much as hee that lives but poorely; . . • we are not to live forever, and there- fore let us laugh and be merry, for few are they that come to see old age ; and they who doe see it, seldome dye of hunger. I desire nothing in this world but meate, drinke, and clothing, and a part in pleasure. And though rich men have better meanes to attaine to this glory than he that hath but little, yet there is not one of them that is contented, not one that sales to himselfe, I have enough. There is not one of them with whom I would ex- change my pleasures for their riches." That was ever the rogue's reasoning; and that is why actually Lope de Vega, at the age of fourteen, as Montalvan assures us, turned pi- caro for pleasure, and in fiction, Don Diego Carriazo and Don Tomas de Avendafio of the Ilustre freffona did as much, going tunny- fishing to the finibuB terrce of picaresque life, as Cervantes dubs it. The Celestina might be punningly scoffed at as the Sceleatina^ but it stood and still stands a faithful study of the human heart and of external reality, and the model of innumerable lesser works, among CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 189 ■ which, in part at least, may be ranged the romances of roguery. Another Spanish antecedent of picaresque ' fiction was the Lucianic satire, which as early as 1528 had come to life in Spain in the Did- logo de Mercurio y Cardn published anony- mously, but due to Juan de Valdes, and I perhaps as well to his brother, Alfonso. In spite of their heterodox views and secret allegiance to the Reformation, the brothers Valdes were tolerated by Charles Fifth; and, ready to perceive abuses in the Church and State, Juan, at least, was not chary of attack- ing them. That he possessed the critical fac- ulty was attested by his Didlogo de la Ungua^ where the theme was literature ; and that his satiric power lent something to the Lazarillo de Tormes is probable. So, too, the Lucianic CrotaMn^ supposedly from the pen of Cristo- val de Yillalon, must have had its influence, for the infancy of Alexander as depicted there bears an analogy to that of the Salamanca picaro. Yet the lumbering and learned style of the satire was in contrast with the fresh, free swing of the rogue ' story, and the most obvious heirs of such productions as the Oro- 190 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY taldn and the Mercurio y Car6n were the SiLefios or the Diablo cojuelo. It is in vain to seek more definite origins for the picaresque novel in the Peninsula. Clemencin, and after him Ticknor, asserted that the Breve sunta de la vida y hechos de Diego Garcia de Paredes was a romance of roguery in little. Paredes died in 1533, and his short autobiography was printed by 1669 at Saragossa, and again in 1684 at Alcala de Henares, with the Chrdnica del gran capitdn Q-ongalo Hernandez de Cdrdova y Aguilar. This very book the curate and the barber in Quixote contemplate, and the curate declares that so great was Paredes' strength that with a fin- ger he could stop a mill-wheel in the midst of its fury. Mendoza in the Chuerra de Q-ra- nada, and Lope in the Dorotea^ paid similar tribute to the "Samson of Extremadura," as he was nicknamed. But the autobiography is simply that of a brawny rascal who went to Italy, joined the papal halberdiers, was forced by poverty to thieve at night, cut off the head of a captain who reprehended him, killed his jailer, and performed impossible feats in combat. Except for manifest boast- CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 191 ings, it was matter-of-fact, and devoid of hu- mor, of tricks, and of style. The subject's actual life, indeed, was more picaresque than this narrative, for desertion and piracy were features of it, as was better shown in the ac- count written by Tomas Tamayo de Vargas and published at Madrid in 1621. But at best no reliance is to be placed on Garcia de Paredes as an elder brother to Lazarillo. The Celes- Una alone among early Spanish fictions was worthy to rank with it in art or in kind, and with these two nothing could compare in style save the EpiBtles of Guevara. The claim of the Lazarillo de Torme% then to be the first romance of roguery and the originator of a literary species is unshaken. In 1554 at Burgos Juan de Junta published the earliest edition known, and on the twenty- sixth of February of the same year Salzedo, a a bookseller of Alcala, brought out the tale with two slight changes. Martin Nucio in Antwerp gave a repetition of the Burgos edi- tion the same year, and thenceforward the suc- cess of the little novel was never in doubt. In ^1559, when the Archbishop of Seville and Inquisitor General, Fernando de Valdes, had I I \ 102 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY placed it in the Index Eocpurgatorius^ the Laza^ rillo continued still to circulate beyond his jurisdiction and even surreptitiously within it, so that Philip Second was merely politic in ordering his secretary, Juan Lopez de Velasco, to amend and print it with the similarly re- vised Propaladia of Torres Naharro and the verses of Cristoval de Castillejo.^ The Al letor of this caatigado edition of 1573 states that while not of the same consideration as its com- panion pieces, this story "is so lively and faithful a representation of what it describes with such wit and grace that in its way it is estimable and has always been relished by all, whence, although prohibited in these realms, it has been commonly read and printed abroad/' The emendations of the Inquisition were not so considerable as might have been expected, and because the Lazarillo was a daring book, too daring seemingly to have first been tried 1 This castigado edition was also issued with the Galateo Espanol of Gracian Dantisco, and the Destierro de la igno- rancia from the Italian of Horacio Riminaldo Bolofies, in 1599, at Madrid, and often later and elsewhere. From this circumstance Navarrete, in the Bosquejo hiatMco sobre la novela espafiola^ Vol. XXXin. of the Bib. de aut. esp.y erroneously supposes Dantisco the expurgator. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 198 in Spain, arose the myth of an Antwerp editio princeps of 1553, although its existence was never more than rumored. The controversy as to the authorship of this anonymous fiction has resulted negatively in leaving the field, as it was at first an open one.^ The most successful candidate for the honor of this romance of roguery's paternity has been Diego Hurtado de Mendoza. It is not proba- ble that Tils nanie~wiir ever be entirely disso- ciated from the tale, and yet no claim for him was put forward until half a century had elapsed, and with the publication at Mayence in 1607 of the CataloguB clarorum Hispanice scrijh torum . . . opera ae studio Valerii Andrece Taxandri. There a brief passage devoted to Mendoza concluded succinctly, "he composed ^ For this argument at greater length see Alfred Morel- Fatio^s Preface to the French Lazarille de TormeSt 1886, and his JStudes sur VEspagne, Paris, 1888, Vol. I., p. 121 et seq. As purely negative criticism, M. Morel-Fatio^s conclusions have not met general acceptance, although they are inevi- table unless new facts can be adduced. Such an authority as Don Pascual de Gayangos dissents, however (State papers, Spanish Series, Henry VIIL, Vol. VI.), and H. E. Watts in his essay on Quevedo and the picaresque novel mistakes Morel-Fatio*s decision, supposing him to be urging the Ortega claim. 194 BOMANCES OP ROGUERY also poems in the vulgar tongue and the pleasant little book, entitled Lazarillo de Tormes.*^ Two years before this the ques- tion of authorship had been raised for the first time by Jose de Sigiienza in his Tercera parte de la histaria de la orden de San Qerdn" imo published at Madrid, and Juan de Ortega, a general of the order, had been accredited with the work, said to have been composed while a student at Salamanca, the proof resting upon the asserted discovery of the manuscript in his cell after his death. Curiously, the two traditions were straightway merged, for Schott in his Hispanice bibliotheca of 1608, affirming Mendoza to be the author, added that he pro- duced it during his student days at Salamanca. But the Lazarillo could not have been written earlier than 1526, since reference is made to the Toledo Cortes of 1525 after the battle of Pavia, when Mendoza, probably a soldier, was certainly not a student. This was as firm ground as the attribution to either Ortega or Mendoza ever had to stand upon. Succeeding bibliographers upheld the title of one or of the other, and Nicol&s Antonio in the Bibliotheca hispana nova of 1783 presented both, but CBUDE FORMS OP THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 195 neither the 1610 collection of Mendoza's works at Madrid, nor the 1627 biography of Lisbon, paid heed to suggestions of his connection with the Lazarillo^ whose popularity would have recommended its ascription if possible. A late and still more chimerical hint proceeded from an Englishman, Dr. Lockier, dean of Peter- borough, who, in conversation with the Rev. Joseph Spence, saddled the Lazarillo upon bishops of the mendicant order who were said to have composed it during their journey to the Council of Trent.^ Neither Juan de Luna, the 1620 continuator, nor Lopez de Velasco, the 1573 expurgator, had known the Lazarillo^s author, although both recognized that the second part could not be by the hand that wrote the first. It is probable therefore that the need for giving the book the sanction of a well-known name, and Mendoza's indisputable gayety and wit shown in his redondillas and burlesque verses, was what established the tra- dition. If, however, the brilliant author of the Ghierra de Granada has never been successfully identified with the undeclared author of the ^ Anecdotes, ObservcUions, and Characters of Books and Jfeit, London, 1810, pp. 69-79. I 196 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY |.e M.^M'V^ backward Lazarillo^ neither required the lustre of the other's name. With his authentic achieve- ments in letters and statecraft, Mendoza could rest content, as could little Lazarus of roguish memory with his literary influence. Lazarillo told his tale with a verve and directness that his imitators might well have copied. For him there was no beginning in medias res. With the very first sentence he gives his name and the names of his parents, and with the second sets the scene of his birth. Unimpeded, the narrative moves forward, trac- ing the rogue's adventures from master to mas- ter in the order of his service, and with^gxfi£,A When one employer is left for another that is the last of him. Of His first master Lazarillo says, " What became of the old man afterwards I don't know, and neither did I ever give myself any pains to inquire." In the seven tratados of the original work, only four episodes were wrought out in detail, corre- sponding to four degrees of service, the first with a blind beggar, and the others with a miserly priest, a poor hidalgo, and an indul^- gence-seller. Beyond these, Lazarillo's masters were figures in outline, a busy-body friar who CBTJDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 197 • ran the boy's legs off, a painter, merely men- tioned, who consigned him to color-mixing, a chaplain who hired him as water-carrier, an alguazil who drew him into the train of justice, and finally and best of all the royal government itself. In the office of public crier he forgot his past anxieties and pains, for if only as auctioneer and the publisher of the misdeeds of criminals flogged about town, he was still in the service of the king and emperor, whither, with the breaking up of feudalism, was tending the ambition of all classes. Of scoundrel stock, the picaro had come up somehow, from the bed of the river, through blows, and by supple- menting chance with cheating tricks, to a posi- tion of comparative ease. The archpriest of Salvador, whose wine he had cried, gives him his own housekeeper to wed, and Lazarillo, after one brief misunderstanding with his patron and the lady concerning whispers of scandal, agrees that the bride shall resort as frequently as she please by night or day to the archpriest's house. Nor does he regret his complacence. To all the world he vows that his wife is as good as any in Toledo, confer- ring on him by the grace of God more bene- 198 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY fits than he can hope to deserve. And so, with a touch of self -irony, the book ends. In the plan of the whole, and in the treat- ment of the four main episodes, however, in- heres the chief originality of the story, for it seems as if the early portion alone had been completed, and the rest laid down simply in a scheme for farther elaboration. There the masters are catalogued, but barely described or satirized ; while with the initial portion they are drawn and rounded out. The blind beggar, who first relieves the virtuous Antonia Perez of her hopeful son, and undertakes to teach him the ways of life in return for guid- ance about the country, is a Spanish type second only to the decayed noble with his suave graces and gnawing hunger. Jests of blind men and their boys had long circulated not only in the Peninsula, but through Europe. The mediaeval conscience saw nothing repul- sive in barbarities practised upon the infirm, and the primitive stage had abounded in pieces of rude wit quite in line with the pitiless war waged between Lazarillo and his beggar. One of these, indeed, a farce entitled Le gargon et Vaveugle^ recorded as played at Tournai in CBUDE FOBMS OF THE FICABESQUE NOVEL 100 1277, is identical in spirit with the amplified Spanish account ; ^ and this, together with the discovery of early fourteenth-century drawings of scenes afterwards included among Lazarillo's cheats upon his dego, places beyond question the dependence of so much oi the first ro- mance of roguery upon previous dramatic representations.^ Still, the narrative of the anti-hero of the Tormes for once and all fixed these stray jests about one character, and ex- tended to every leader of a blind man thereafter the name in good Castilian of lazarillo.^ The first bearer of that name, from the moment that his head is knocked against the stone bull of the Salamanca bridge, understands that he must cope with cunning and avarice by counter-cun- 1 Jahrhuch fur rom. und eng. LiUeratuTy Vol. VI., pp. 163-172 (1865). 2 In Brit. Mus. MS. Roy. 10 E. IV., beginning at fol. 217; see Athenmum for Dec. 29, 1888, article by J. J. Jusserand. » This fact has led even Brunet into error. In his Table Methodique, under the caption of Bomans Espagnols, he includes El Lazanllo de ciegos caminatites desde Buenos- Ayres hasta Lima . . . por Don Calixto Bustamente . . .^n en Gijon, 1773. Yet the book was not a novel at all, but ['Ji/H^' simply a guide, as was more obviously the eighteenth-century Madrid publication, LazaHllo 6 nueva guia para loe natu- rales yforasteros de Madrid, \ n. ♦ 200 ROMANCES OF ROGUEBY ning. All his endeavor is to get enough to subsist on. Sometimes he intercepts the coin given as a return for the beggar's prayers, fhanging it for smaUer pieces in passing ; but usually meat and drink is his spoil. He steals from the beggar's provision-bag, sucks wine from his jar through a straw, or drinks from a hole conveniently stopped with wax between draughts. The blind man may batter out the little rogue's teeth with blows from the jar, but Lazarillo will still be a thief. Grapes that the two have agreed to eat share and share alike he pilfers, and substitutes a cold turnip for a warm fif&usage on the roaster, only to be detected by its aroma on his breath. To pay for the cruel drubbings he gets, he leads his blind man over every stumbling-block in the way, and the climax of his vengeance is reached when, bid- ding the old man jump with all his might to clear a stream which does not exist, the victim dashes head-foremost against a stone post and falls back senseless. " How did you smell the sausage and not the post?" cries Lazarillo tauntingly before running off, and oler el poate ever since has been a Spanish locution ; while in Shakspere's Much Ado About Nothing the CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 201 speech of Benedick, "You stroke like the4)lind man ; 'twas the boy that stole your meat, but you'll beat the post," probably refers to this incident.^ As an acolyte, Lazarillo falls from the frying-pan into the fire, for the priest whom he serves is a miser, compared to whom the blind man for generosity was an Alexander. The old struggle for food never flags, but with new inventions to aid it, the sacrament loaves are now subject to hungry assaults until the assaulter, discovered at last, is dismissed. At Toledo he meets his hidalgo, the happiest creation of the book, and the truest to the time. Here famine pursues him still, but no longer is it famine due to avarice. The noble, who by his airs and his dress seems lord of all, has nothing save his pride ; and, as hungry as the boy, he is unutterably more miserable, since he dare not admit it or beg for relief. If broad farce marked the picaro's passes with the blind man, true comedy marks those with the jaunty ^ A claim made by Aribau in his essay in the Biblioteca de atUores espanoles^ Vol. III., but disputed without proof in The Spanish Comic Novel, in Cornhill for June, 1876. A somewhat similar blind-man trick, where the victim is lured off a precipice, occurs in Giacinto Nobili's II vagdbondo, Venetia, 1627, chap. 11, suggestive, too, of King Lear. y 7 202 ROMANCES OF BOGUERT and starving esquire. In him aU Spain was satirized, the Spain of early decadence that preferred to seem rather than to be. In the pitiful shifts and tte desperate clinging to the gentlemanly ideal the light of a softer humor plays over this part of the story, where surely some chord of sympathy was touched in the heart of the writer. The role of the poor, proud gentleman braving it out in his stately way was altogether too exquisite not to be noted at home and abroad, and even brought upon the stage. The closest transcription for the latter was Gerbrand Adriaensen Brederoo's SpaanBche Brahander in Dutch of 1617, printed the following year. There the Junker Jerol- imo Rodrigo stalks down the streets of Am- sterdam, as Lazarillo's fine master through those of Toledo ; but even Brederoo never thought to alter his hero's nationality along with the language. To the bone the hidalgo was Spanish, a type of the people and country ; and Spanish he remained. Of less consequence than the other three principal episodes was Laza- rillo's service with the buldero^ since it was little more than a refurbished tale from Massuccio's II novellino^ where in the fourth novella Fra CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 203 Girolamo of Spoleto makes the people of Sorrento believe that a bone he exhibits is the arm of Saint Luke. An accomplice con- tradicts this statement, whereupon Fra Giro- lamo prays to God for a demonstration of the truth of his words by the working of a miracle. Then the accomplice feigns to fall down dead, and Fra Girolamo by prayer restores him to life, collecting through the fame of this double miracle a great sum of money, becoming a prel- ate, and thereafter leading a lazy life with his comrade.^ In style as in matter, simplicity and natural- ism distinguished the Lazarillo de Tormes^ and in both it was strongly contrasted with pro- ductions of the Amadis cycle. Juan de Luna, in his 1620 revision, might criticise the lan- guage as French in construction rather than Spanish, but Luna overlooked the fact that only by his day had the use of pronouns been sloughed off in the southern idiom, as well as certain expressions formerly common to the two languages. By authorities in general the little novel has always been regarded as ^ This was also the 1st story of the 26th chapter of H vagabondOt 1627. 204 ROMANCES OF ROGUEEY a monument of pure and idiomatic Castilian. Indisputably the .first of the romances of rogu- ery, it differed somewhat from the rest. What they often possessed, it certainly lacked. No breath of moralizing marred it, no pedantry or anecdotal ornament rendered its aimlessness tedious. Its anti-hero stole from necessity, while later rogues acquired the habit and the art of stealing from sheer delight. The satire, which was fierce, and especially so upon the clergy, had not that inclusiveness which later it attained, and Lazarillo himself as to emer- gence from his actions was only a step removed from Til Eulenspiegel. Yet these differences were all to be accounted for by the long inter- val between this work and its true successors, and the unevenness of its performance, in part, by its barely assimilated materials. The crude farce element at the start, the milder farcical passages regarding the ecclesiastic, the fine comedy of the hidalgo overtopping every- thing else and fairly modern in spirit, the reworked novella of the huldero^ and then the reach of merely personal, fragmentary episodes ensuing, down to the last laughing fling at the archpriest and his mistress, — •J CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 206 these things constituted a narrative strangely mixed. The pace was never twice the same, leisurely at first and beating off hui'riedly at last, it galloped, trotted, or walked at caprice, and the quality of the ground covered was even more changing. Such as it was, however, the Lazarillo de Tormes must rank as one of the most celebrated and influential of Spanish fictions. The anonymous continuation which appeared in 1555 from the press of Martin Nucio was printed with a permission for four years, but was issued there at the same time by Guillermo Simon, who published the first part as well, notwithstanding Nucio's ostensibly exclusive imperial privilege. For this continuation, however, the booksellers of Antwerp or any other town need never have quarrelled, since its merit was not disproportionate to its bad success, and in the Peninsula it did not attain the dignity of print until 1844. Cardoso, from whom Nicolas Antonio took his cue, attributed it to a Fray Manuel of Oporto, but no sufficient interest was manifested in the story to make a claim to its authorship a particular honor. Curiously that fraction of La aegunda parte de n 206 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY Lazarillo de Tormes: y de 9u%fortuna% y adver- sidades destined to achieve a semblance of re- nown was just what of it had perhaps least worth. This was the short initial chapter entitled "Lazarillo's account of the friendship he formed in Toledo with some Germans, and of what passed between them." In the earliest French translation of the Lazarillo in 1561 by- Jean Saugrain at Paris, this chapter was ap- pended to the first part, and usually, when the original story has since been published alone, this insignificant section of the anonymous continuation has tagged along.^ Except in quantity it was no addition to the book, and the accident of its first inclusion seems slight justification for retaining it where, however, it has come to stay, even in English transla- tions. The fable of the sequel may have been in- spired more directly than its parent part by \ I the Gf-olden Ass^ but at all events ' a metamor- phosis no less remarkable than that of Lucius 1 M. Morel-Fatio, in his Etudes sur VEspagne^ implies that all editions of the first part after 1661 contained this chapter, but among others, those of Saragossa, 1599, and of Lisbon, 1626, did not have it, and Barezzi^s Italian version of 1622 and 1626 ended as did the originaL CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 207 is applied to the picaro. After his good fel- lowship with the Germans, he embarks in Charles Fifth's expedition against the Bar- bary Turks, and during a terrible tempest, fortifying himself against the elements with drink, sinks unharmed with his ship to the bottom of the sea. Surrounded by multitudes of fishes determined upon his destruction, he retires to a cave and puts up so fervent a prayer to heaven, and vows so many pilgrimages to the Virgin, that for his benefit a miracle is performed, and he becomes a tunny-fish. In this guise follow his chief adventures, which are not particularly roguish, and in which his sword, happily retained, enables him to take a prominent part in the politics of the water world. He weds a fish, has three fishes for children, but, after intriguing experiences at the court of the tunnies, is drawn forth in a net by fishers off Gibraltar. In wresting his sword from him, they find it grasped by a human hand and arm proceeding from his mouth, and hearing themselves addressed in the Spanish tongue, they convey their treasure- trove to Seville to be shown to the Duke of Medina-Sidonia. Here the fish cerements are (' 208 ROMANCES OF ROGUEEY peeled from Lazarillo, and as man once more he proceeds to Salamanca with the intention of founding a school for the study of the tunny language. Accordingly he is examined by the docLs of the univei^ity as was Pantagrull by those of the Sorbonne, and answers precisely the same questions earlier proposed to Eulen- spiegel at Prague. It is needless to dilate upon the fact that ex- cept for the name there is nothing in common between this sequel and its original. The essentially Spanish and picaresque service of masters was absent, the fantastic story out of hand had replaced the careful observation of actual life, and while satire of real men and women lurked beneath the fish's scales, as it had too beneath the impossible shepherd's cloak, only a retrogression to the old style was apparent, and no further development of the new. If success at court through the medium of feminine influence was secretly attacked here, the whole manner of this poor fiction was more closely that of the heroic than of the anti-heroic genre; and even the sword of the transformed Lazarillo savored of Excalibur. The decision of Velasco in 1573 that this CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 200 second part was muy impertinente y desgraciado has never been disapproved, and Juan de Luna sixty-five years later avowed the chief incentive to the composition of his sequel to have been to replace an account so devoid of truth, — sin rastro de verdad. In translation, this continuation had little vogue. In 1596 it appeared at London pub- lished by John Oxenbridge and Englished by William Phiston. In 1598 it was issued at Antwerp by Guislain Jansens with the first part done into French by Jean Vander Meeren. The Italian version of 1685, by Barezzo Barezzi of Venice, added a second part based on this, but a thing of shreds and patches with hun- dreds of pages of irrelevant discourse gathered from miscellaneous authors and put into the mouth of Lazarillo. Not imtil the thirty- second chapter, indeed, did the picaro get to the point of embarking against the Turks, and even then the discursiveness was scarcely mitigated. The original Lazarillo de Tormes^ however, was deservedly successful in other languages, if not altogether immune from alteration. In 1561 it was printed in French as L'histoire plaisante et facetieuse du Lazare \ ^ 210 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY de Torme%^ and again in Antwerp in 1594 and 1598 by Jansens. In 1601 Nicolas and Pierre Bonfons brought it out with the Spanish and French texts, the latter the work of P. B. Parisian, or, as the later reprints had it, of M. P. B. P. After 1620, Juan de Luna's sequel was usually included in all translations, but the first part appeared alone in 1653 done into French doggerel by Le Sieur de B. In Dutch, De ghenuechlijke ende cluchtighe historie van Lazarus van Tormes wt Spaingen was pub- lished at Delft as early as 1579 ; and in Eng- land the Marvelous dedes and the lyf of Lazaro de Tormes had been licensed in the Stationers' Registers in 1568. Possibly it was published then, and very certainly it was printed by 1576 ; for in the copy of Howleglass ^ given to Gabriel Harvey by the author of the Faerie Queene^ the former in a manuscript note on the last leaf spoke of having " received of Mr. Spen- sar" "this Howleglass, with Skoggin, Skelton, & Lazarillo," on the twentieth of December, 1578, undoubtedly referring to The pleasaunt his- torie of Lazarillo de Tormes a Spaniarde . . . 1 This unique copy of the English EuLenspUgel is in the Bodleian Library. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 211 drawen out of Spanish by David Rouland of Anglesey^ described by Bagford as published by Henrie Binneman in 1576, and re-issued in 1586 and 1596. Of the many English editions that ensued, the most altered was that of 1688, printed by J. Leake at London, and adding to the first part, both a variation upon Luna's sequel, Englished separately as early as 1622, and The Life and Death of Young Lazarillo^ Son and Heir to Old Lazarillo de Tormes. The latter was a compilation of rogueries from Aleman, Quevedo, and the authors of the English Rogue^ but hopelessly poor. In Germany, in 1617, Niclas Ulenhart issued his Zwo kurtzweilige^ lustige^ vnd lUcherliche Historien^ die erste^ von Lazarillo de Tormes einem Spanier^ translating Cervantes' picaresque tale, Rinconete y Corta- dillo^ for the companion-piece, with the title IsacCe Winkelfelder und Johst von der Schneid. The Italian Lazarillo^ published by Barezzi as Jl picariglio castigliano^ with a second edition by 1622, and a third in 1626, appropriated still another novela of Cervantes, La gitanilla^ giv- ing it to the hidalgo, Lazarillo's third master, to tell. While the original Lazarillo de Tormes had 212 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY attracted sufficient attention to lend its name to the Flanders extravaganza of 1555, and by 1559 in a comedy of Timoneda's was spoken of as already widely known, the latter year saw both parts banned by the Inquisition, and picaresque fiction, just launching out, forced back upon the ways. For a long time, then, it must have seemed that the first romance of roguery was to be also the last. Fear of the ecclesiastical censor could not alone have been responsible for the failure of Spanish authors to emulate the example of the cynical un- known. It is rather to be supposed that the anti-hero's hour had not yet come. For the romances of chivalry, if waning somewhat in charm, were reenforced now by pastorals. In the latter half of the century the Diana was followed up by such works as Lo% diez Ubros de fortuna de amor^ the Filida^ the Galatea^ the Desengafio de celos^ the Ninfas y pastores de HenareB^ and the Pastor de Iberia down to Lope's Arcadia of 1598. Readei;s were not yet prepared to behold their aristocratic favor- ites oustied by low-lived picaroons. Nor had social conditions come to that crisis which presently was to furnish not only the sub- CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 213 stance for a continuous fiction of rogues, but the public for its appreciation. Timoneda's Patrafiuelo of 1566 here and there in its tales might instance the picaresque manner, and the same author's Sobremeaa y alivio de caminantes of 1569 follow suit in its shorter anecdotes, but beyond this and Christoval de Chaves' Relacidn de la cdrcel de Sevilla^ composed from 1585 to 1597, nothing was ventured in rogue fiction until the Ghizman de AJfajcache of 1599. It is true that Gines de Pasamonte in Don Quiocote^ lauding his own autobiography, cries, "Woe betide Lazarillo de Tormes and all of that kind that have been or shall be written," seeming to imply the existence at that time of at least several works of the picaresque series. Yet this was penned before 1605, lE^hen, as far as is known, only Ghizman was printed. The PUgraJv^tina of the same year, but licensed earlier than the Quixote^ had men- tioned Cervantes' masterpiece along with choice company in truncated sextillas : Mas fa/mo — que dma Oli — Que don Quixo — y Laza/ri — Qtte Alfarache y CeUsti — 1 R. L, 22. 214 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY SO that the Plcara itself could scarcely have been included in Pasamonte's reckoning. If Guzman, then, had any immediate predeces- sors, they have gone the way of all things perishable ; and to Mateo Aleman of Seville belongs the fame of being the first openly to avow the authorship of a romance of roguery. Aleman was a conscientious, hard-working government official, for nearly twenty years a contador de resultas to Philip Second, and generally a man of affairs. He conducted himself so uprightly that he fell into poverty and was obliged to retire to a life of less es- timation, his painstaking studies having hurt both his estates and health. ^^ Let the tongue of men be listened unto, and ye shall hear nothing so common as the publishing of his praise, no less in Spain than in Italy, France, Flanders, and Germany, which mine own ears and eyes can truly testify and avow," said his eulogist, the lieutenant Luis Valdes; and a further tribute he paid to the novel itself, de- claring, "We are all beholding to Mateo Ale- man. . . . For we must acknowledge him to be the first that till this very day hath in such, a kind of style as his, come to discover and CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 216 excommunicate vice."^ From the immediate and immense success of the contador^s venture in fiction, however, he could have derived little benefit, and his alleged preference for being a poor philosopher rather than a rich flatterer was to be gratified to the letter. Of his own accord he left office and went over to Mexico, where in 1609, from the press of Jeronimo Balli, he issued the Ortografia Caatellana, be- gun before his departure from Spain. He translated the Odea of Horace ; and a Life of Saint Anthony of Padua, undertaken to accom- plish a vow, was written between the appear- ance of the first and second parts of Ghuzman. Employed all day in other concerns, Aleman would reel off enough in the watches of the night to keep the printers occupied until the next sundown. Such facility, however, had its dangers, as was proved by the prolixity of the adventures of the picaro no less than the miracles of the saint. The Primera parte de O^uzman de Alfarache, dedicated to Don Francisco de Rojas, Marques de Poza, first appeared at Madrid, published by 1 7%e Bogue : or, the Life of Guzman de Alfarache, James Mabbe, 1622, preface. 216 ROMAKCES OF ROGUERY the Licenciado Varez de Castro, in March, 1599. Within a few months a Barcelona and a Saragossa edition had followed, and in 1600, Portugal, France, and Flanders gave Spanish reprints, and Gabriel Chappuys, a French re- daction at Paris. Mateo Aleman had pleased the popular fancy ; adopting the ground plan of the Lazarillo in satirizing society through the experience in service of a merry rascal, he had broadened the social field reviewed, as well as the function of the picaro himself. Like Lazarillo, this younger anti-hero tells his own story, beginning with birth, and even in the fashion of Laurence Sterne entering into pre- natal detail. Of illegitimate but not mean origin, the picaro had for father a Genoese with an adventurous past, for mother the mis- tress of a rich old priest. The name Guzman descends to him maternally from an amour with one of that famous family, and the title Al- farache from possessions of his father at San Juan de Alfarache, close to Seville. Thus equipped for pedigree, the picaro, at the age of fourteen, leaves his widowed and impoverished mother, to seek his fortune in the world. The Primera parte of 1599 is presented then in three boots. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 217 the first relating Guzman's early experiences which make plain to him that he must trick others or himself be tricked, and particularly- satirizing inns; the second describing his in- itiation into active roguery in Spain and his cheats in service there; and the third, showing his ups and downs in Italy, from his life among the begging fraternity of Rome, to his happier days as buffoon with a cardinal and page to the French ambassador. At the end of the first book is inserted the romantic story of Osmin y Daraxa^ as told by a priest met on the road ; and at the end of the third book, a gentleman at the embassy recounts the tragic tale of Dorido y Clorinia, — the one in the manner of Italian novelle^ the other in that of the then popular Moorish histories, whose fountain-head was the Q-vsrra9 eiviles de Granada^ of Gines Perez de Hita, published in its first part only four years previously. Except for these episodes, Gruzman de Alfarache was as essen- tially a romance of roguery as the Lazarillo^ and very much more thoroughgoing in treat- ment. In the opening book, Guzman himself is often victimized, from his misfortunes at the misera- 218 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY ble inn of Cantillana to his false arrest upon the highway. But after that he can give points to the devU if need be. Not only has he become convinced of the theoretical efficacy of roguery, but he is adroit in its practice. Serving an apprenticeship with a dishonest innkeeper, he repairs to Madrid, becomes a mendicant and scullion to a cook, with whom and from whom he steals all he can. Similarly, he serves an apothecary, who is cleverly defrauded while the picaro escapes with the proceeds to Toledo, set- ting up for a man of fashion, and growing unaccountably older in the short interval. His love intrigues are not altogether fortunate ; for once he is obliged to take refuge from his lady's brother in a washtub, and again he loses a con- siderable sum by his devotion to a scheming charmer. On being reduced to service once more, military life claims him; and, enlisting with a company at Almagro, there is no sharp practice up to highway robbery in which, with. the connivance of the captain, Guzman is not engaged. At Barcelona, his best exploit before embarking for Italy is tricking a goldsnaith. whom he accuses of robbing him of an agnuB clei^ for which the jeweller has just paid him a round CEUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 219 sum. Dismissed at Genoa as too dangerous a companion, the rogue seeks out his relatives, but is badly received, and resorts again to begging, travelling to Rome, and leading a vagrant life there among the infamous Italian rogues, the hianti of II vagabondo. In the car- dinal's service, the practical jokes played by Guzman are rather diverting than malicious, resembling Lazarillo's devices for provision- getting, except that Guzman does not pilfer from necessity. Dismissed for inveterate gam- ing, he is engaged by the ambassador as a likely agent to manage his gallantries ; and so closes the first part of this romance of roguery, the plan for all of which was already conceived by Aleman, for in a preface to his 1599 pub- lication, he announced that Guzman was writ- ing from the galleys, after having, on his return from Italy, studied with the intention of be- coming a churchman, but by reason of frequent backslidings, abandoning that course for new rogueries. Upon this suggestion, and probably upon something more definite in the way of actual access to Aleman's unpublished second part, Juan Marti, the Valencian lawyer, issued his 220 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY sequel intended to deceive the public.^ This must have appeared at Valencia in 1602, as the later editions of Juan Flamenco in Madrid in 1603 and of Roger Velpius in Brussels of 1604 testify. M^l!fl^ very nom de guerre^ Mateo Luxan de Sayavedra, was meant to sug- gest Mateo Aleman, and the literary pirate, like Aleman, signed himself natural vezino de Sevilla. Taking up the story where Aleman had left it, Marti sent Guzman to Naples. There a priest becomes his master and treats the picaro well. As fashionable as ever he was at Toledo, «&uzman makes love to several ladies, one of whom, getting what she can from him, has him set upon and beaten. He is mistaken for a thief, and coming out of jail turns steward to recruit; these incidents obviously echo those in Aleman's first part. Guzman, descanting at tedious length upon cookery, is assistant in the kitchen of the viceroy, with whom lie returns to Rome and finally to Spain. At Barcelona, one of his quondam mendicant friends, Micer Morcon, reveals the secrets of the begging trade, and the picaro goes to Alcala ^ See Fidster, Biblioteca Valenciana, Tom I., 198, for iden- tification of Sayavedra with Martf. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 221 to prosecute his studies in theology and the arts. When he is wearied of this, and on the way to Valencia to seek service, a lackey of Vizcaya holds forth through three whole chapters upon the nobility of that province and its people. From first to last, discursiveness is a chief ingredient of this sequel. Lawyers and divina- tion are harangued against. An entire sermon on the duty of forgiving enemies is included, and the anti-hero, hearing it, determines to be- come a friar. But resolution never counts for anything with him or any other rogue, and presently he joins a company of comedians in- stead, having fallen in love with their leading lady. Of the triumphal entry into Valencia of Margarita de Austria, the bride of Philip Third, Guzman can scarcely say enough, but unable to resist the temptation of stealing amid the con- fusion of these festivities, he is apprehended and sent to the galleys. y^ The sequel concludes promising a third part, which fortunately never appeared ; for although no romantic episodes were intro- duced here, every blemish of the original was magnified, and not many of the virtues retained. Aleman, if at times he had been 222 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY coarse, had remained always virile, and his satire irresistible. Marti without coarseness, and with satirical intention, was nevertheless dull and weak, his irony of little value, and the only new element he provided, the view of student life, taken at best on his predecessor's hint. In style, Aleman had been so discursive as to try the patience of the most indulgent reader, and his moralizings minecessary and out of place; but Marti in this respect was intolerable. He expanded Aleman's most fatiguing tirades, and lacked even the piquant seasoning of proverbs which had enlivened the other's narrative. Like its original, Martf's sequel was portioned off into three books, but upon no particular principle. The first half was the better, and as absence of invention seems to have been Martf's prime trait, it is probable that here he was most dependent upon Aleman's manuscript, and in the latter and poorer half of his story most dependent upon himself. As a sequel, however, the book was certainly more of a success than had been the Antwerp continuation of the Lazarillo^ remaining true to the plan of the romance of roguery, and pos- CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 223 sessing some merit in its details even where its anecdotal character was prejudicial to fresh observation. In view of the bold plan of Martf to emulate the tactics of his picaro and defraud Aleman, the latter's forbearance was admirable. Forced like Cervantes at Avellane- da's Quixote forgery to publish a second part in self-defence, Aleman in 1605, in the prefatory remarks to his authentic Segunda parte^ ad- mitted that he had been too prodigal in com- municating his papers, but added, "I must acknowledge in this my competitor . . . his great learning, his nimble wit, his deep judg- ment, his pleasant conceits, and his general knowledge in all humane and divine letters, and that his discourses throughout are of that quality and condition that I do much envy them, and should be proud that they were mine." The injured novelist did not intend, however, to submit quietly to imposition. His title-page bore the caution T advierta el letor que la Begunda parte que %ali6 antes desta no era mia^ solo esta lo es; and in the text he resorted to a more effective expedient still, making the plagiarist a prominent character of the story, and of course a rogue. A' 224 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY Guzman in this second part is found where the original had left him, acting as gracioso and master of intrigues for the French ambas- sador. In the latter capacity he is shut out in the rain all night by a lady and run away with by a pig to the diversion of the whole town, so that unable to endure the ridicule heaped upon him he turns his back on the Eternal City and goes to Florence. This is done on the advice of one who previously be- friended and now seeks to fleece him, no other \ than Sayavedra, the author of the spurious continuation, with whom Aleman proceeds to deal according to his deserts. At Siena, Saya- vedra's gang steals Guzman's luggage, but Sayavedra himself is caught and banished, and heaping coals of fire on his head, Guzman takes the thief into his service as lackey. Arrived at Bologna in search of his goods, Guzman is falsely jailed, but on being released, merits the punishment already suffered by practising with Sayavedra a gambling cheat which enriches them both. On the road, Sayavedra tells the story of his roguish life, and in order that no doubt may be left as to the blow aimed at Aleman's rival, Sayavedra is given a brother named Juan «^ CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 225 Martf, of Valencia. Guzman robs a merchant by wit, and visiting his inhospitable relatives at Genoa pays them back by cheating his unqle with an imitation gold chain before sailing for Spain. On the voyage in a storm, the final ironic touch is administered to Sayavedra ; for he goes mad, and calling himseH Guzman de Alfarache, springs overboard to death. At Madrid, Guzman sets up in trade and marries, but living too high and counting too confi- dently upon the wealth of his father-in-law, he fails, his wife dies, and her dowry reverts. Like the Guzman of Marti then, this one at- tends the University of Alcala. He marries his landlady's daughter, and with his wife cozens a merchant and others. A judge pays the lady profitable attentions, but wearying of her, banishes the faithful pair from the metrop- olis, and in Seville this true helpmeet elopes from her lord with a ship -master. Guzman, obliged to seek service as of old, tricks a widow and her priestly counsellor and is retained as the lady's steward. He steals right and left in office, and attempting to escape in women's clothes he is captured and sent to the galleys. There he has various successes, but finally gains 226 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY his freedom by betraying a convict plot to give over the ship to the Turks, and the story ends promising a third part, said to be already com- pleted, but never printed, and probably not penned. Throughout, the parallelism with Marti was evident, and Aleman confessed to having incor- porated some of his rival's choicest ideas, vowing to do the same in his third part if forced to it by the false Sayavedra. The division into three books was retained, and Aleman here reverted to his scheme of interpolated episodes, closing the second book with the Italian novella tale read for diversion on the voyage to Spain and entitled Bonafacio y Dorotea^ and in the first book in the anecdote of Don Luis de Oa%tTo y Rodrigo de Montalvo^ told by the same gentle- man who related Dorido y Clorinia, borrowing direct from Massuccio.^ The style of this Segunda parte was more discursive and in- volved than that of the original, but far less so than Juan Marti's continuation. The satire was keen, the incidents f oUowing in fairly rapid 1 This story, the 41 st of /Z novellino, reappeared in Scar- ron^s Precaution inutile, and in the sub-plot of Beaumont and Fletcher's Little French Lawyer. CEUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 227 succession with greater coherence in plot than Marti could boast. But a significant difference f from either of the preceding parts was the sUghter relative importance here of the service with masters. The rogue himself as an indi- vidual was coming to the fore, his personal ad- ventures and his roguery being almost as much the subject as the society described. Aleman had called his book Atalaya de la vida humana^ the beacon-tower of human life, but the public would not take.kindly to the name, persisting rather in styling it simply The Rogue^ from him in whom the interest centred.^ Although the entire novel was incomplete, and this continua- tion in many ways inferior to its original, the reception that both parts met with was not only gratifjdng, but beyond all expectation. / The statement of Luis Valdes, that already by 1605 the number of printed volumes exceeded fifty tnousand, and the number of impressions twenty-six, is to be taken with a large grain of al- lowance, but there is still no doubt of the fiction's 1 Aleman even complains of this, saying of his work, que hahiendolo intitulado Atalaya de la vida humana^ dieron en llamarle Picaro, y no se conoce ya por otro nombre. Parte II., Libro L, 6. / f f / / 228 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY having many editions from the start. In trans- lation its fortune was no less remarkable. First taken over into French by Gabriel Chappuys in 1600, it was retranslated by Jean Chapelain in 1619 as Le gueux^ and the second part in 1620 as Le voleur. In 1695 at Amsterdam, Gabriel Bremond, himself almost a rogue, gave an arrangement of it, with attacks on the police, and added observations ; and in 1732 the defini- tive translation by Le Sage appeared, omitting the moralizing of the original. In Italy, Barezzo Barezzi, the indefatigable adaptor of other men's works, brought out the initial part very faithfully for him in 1606 at Venice, and the other parts followed in 1615 and 1616. In Germany, jEgidius Albertinus in 1616 at Munich published Gruzman with a decidedly Teutonic twist. Indeed, in its latter half, the book of Albertinus is practically an origi- nal production, resembling and contributing to the later Simplicissimus^ but greatly its inferior. As if the Spanish had not been dis- cursive enough, Albertinus foisted upon it interminable dissertations, to admit which the fiction proper was much abridged. Aleman's first part was compressed to a hundred pages, CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 229 and it is noteworthy that Marti's continuation, not Aleman's, was the basis for what followed. But grave alterations were made, Guzman's ecclesiastical master becoming an Italian count, and the picaro devoting himself to study as the result of the religious warnings of a hermit. He marries in Turin, turns innkeeper,- enters a Swiss Benedictine cloister, and as a comedian appears in Germany with his company, travel- Hng to Amiens in France, and back again to Spain, where he is condemned to be hanged, but has his sentence commuted to the galleys. After three years there, he is released, and receives above one hundred and sixty pages of edifying advice from another hermit to prepare him for a pilgrimage of repentance. The prom- ised third part was issued eleven years later at Frankfort by Martin Frewdenhold with a still stronger analogy to Grimmelshausen. For Guzman's pilgrimage, which is here the theme, takes him to the East in a career not unlike that of the Spessart hero. He is captured by Turks, steals from his masters, and as a bath- attendant at Cairo escapes with a German count's valuables. He visits Jerusalem and Sinai, becomes a charlatan, wanders to the 230 ROMANCES OF ROOtJEEY Euphrates, Babylon, and Nineveh, and return- ing passes from Tripoli to Venice. Cheated out of all his wealth by an alchemist, he turns gondolier, robs a Jew, and sails for Amsterdam with an accomplice who defrauds him. Enlist- ing as a marine aboard a man-of-war, a detailed voyage is made to Japan, and Guzman returns, to be in succession a calendar- writer, an apothe- cary, a ruffian and pander, a cheating miller, and even an enchanter, with no less than a dozen chapters of reflections on soothsaying, dreams, and witchcraft. At last, on his recalling the instructions of his hermit, repentance sets in afresh, and " Gusman hehompt Rewe und Leyd dasz er sick so weit eingelassen^ vvnd fcingt an Bich zu bessem.^^ In England, Aleman's fiction met with a bet- ter fate than in Germany; for James Mabbe, the able translator of the Celestina^ was also the foster-father there of The Rogue: or^ the Life of Guzman de Alfarache^ printed for Edward Blount at London in 1622. This ex- cellent folio edition contained Aleman's two parts with his prefaces faithfully rendered and with copious marginal notes added by Mabbe; some of which, it is true, were sententious CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 231 moral reflections) but most of them critical aids. Reeditings followed, the translator's Celestina being bound up with the Oxford 1680 series, and also with some copies of the third edition of London, 1634. Abridged translations with Mabbe's for a basis were forthcoming, and the lives of Osmin and Daraxa were separately pub- lished along with Cervantes' novelaa in 1723. Be- fore the appearance of the Latin version of the Celestina^ Gaspar Barth's Pomoboacodidascalvs Latinus^ Guzman had found his way into that language through the patronage of Gaspar Ens, a literary hack of Cologne, who in 1623 pub- lished there the first part as Vitce humance proa- cenium. A Para secunda was issued by Ens in 1624 ; but the brief third part did not come out until 1652 in the edition of the whole Dantisci^ 9wmptibu9 Creorgii Forsteri. The first part in its main events coincided with Aleman's origi- nal,'although compressed and with intrusions here and there, such as along description of the city of Rome, and discourses backed up with quotations from Horace, Seneca, and Plutarch. Its most remarkable feature, however, was the inclusion of Lazarillo de Tormes as a character. He is met on the road by Guzman and tells his 232 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY own tale where in Spanish occurs that of Osmin y Daraxa. In the Latin sequel. Ale- man's second part was followed, but in place of the story of Dorido y Clorinia was another, while the episode of Claudio y Dorotea was not touched. This volume fell short of ending with the Spanish, for Guzman, getting no further than his second marriage and his removal to Madrid, breaks off abruptly; — Sed expectas forte ut narrem que mihi Madriti evenerintf Narraho turn quum mortem meam ipse narraho. Nunc valete ^ plaudite. In the third part, which did appear when Ens if not Guzman was dead, the picaro after his release from the galleys turns actor and finally becomes a hermit, a conclusion, manifestly drawn from the German redaction. In Dutch the novel was anonymously translated as Het leven van Ghisman cT Alfarache H afbeeldsel varUt menBchelijk leven. The first edition was of Harlem, 1655, and the second was published in the same year at Rotterdam by Abraham Pietersz with a third under the same auspices in 1658. Although shortened, and the roman- tic episodes rejected, this work embraced the chief incidents of Aleman's original, and the same divisions into parts and books. Other CRUDE FORMS OP THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 233 editions followed, and as Brederoo had written the Spaansche Brahander from the Lazarillo^ so Thomas Asselijn in 1693 evolved from this novel his comedy Ghisman de Alfaraehe of de door- sleepene bedelaers. Through Europe, indeed, Guzman became a popular hero like Eulen- spiegel, Gargantua, or Harlequin, and the com- monest criminal pamphlets in England blazoned forth his name with unfailing regularity, assur- ing the public *' that our English Gusman is as famous in these times as ever the Spanish in his time."^ No other Spanish picaresque novel ever attained the same general celebrity or exercised so broad an influence as this one.* In the same year with Aleman's true sequel to Ghizman de Alfaraehe appeared the Libro de ei0xie!i(dmtento de la^~^carjL.Ju8tin(L published (* it Medina del Campo by Christoval Lasso Vaca, and professedly written by the Licen- ciado Francisco de Ubeda. natural de Toledo. The real author seems to have been a Domini- can friar, Andres P^rez of Leon, anxious to 1 The English Gusman^ or The History of that Unparal' leVd Thief, James Hind, by G. E(idge), London, 1662. ^ For the indebtedness of Grimmelshausen to Guzman, see Sine Quelle des Simplidssimus by Rudolf von Payer, in ZeiUchriftf deutsche Phil, Vol. XXII., 93 et seq. EOMANCES OF ROGUEET conceal his identity for professional reasons and because of his works of a different char- acter. In 1601 he had published a life of San Raimundo de Penaforte, and there were yet to come from his pen a series of Sermones de Ouaresma y de loa santos. Justina is accounted for as produced during the pious Perez's student days at Alcala, as Lazarillo in the Mendoza and Ortega tradition was soon to be ascribed to student leisure at Salamanca. And certainly there was little ecclesiastical ring in the book in spite of its assiduous moraliz- ings. Guzman de Alfarache was the princi- pal model proposed, although the Oelestina and Lazarillo were included with others in specific mention. In the Prolog o sumarioy^ the description of Justina by herself is said to be that sent by her to Guzman on the eve _ Sfh^ marriage to him; and at the end^oL thejtory, in promising a sequel, Justina de- clares herself already the spouse of that re- 1 Justina says here, No hay enredo en Celestina, chistes en Mama, simplezas en Ldzaro, elegancias en Guevara, chistes en Eufrosina, enredos in Patrahuelos^ cnentos in Asno de Oro, y generalmente no hay cosa huena en roman- eero, comedia ni poeta espahol cuya noia aqul no tengo, cuya quinta esencia aqui no saque. :. V '. \ Jj -f ' 6 CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL (236 doubtable picaro. That she must have been a worthy companion to the rogue, all who read her story will admit, although the se- quel and her actual relations with Alfarache were never further exploited. As with other novels of the class, this one was autobiograg^- cal. The heroine, after elaborate prologues, ^ addresses to pen, ink, and paper, rambling and ejaculatory in style, gives her genealogy; for a rogue should prove roguery a heritage, she says. Her father's father was a gambling barber, her great-graudfather a dwarf and a puppet-showman. Jugglers and tumblers, cos- tumers and bagpipers, were ever her ancestors. As daughter of a rop^ue innkeeper^ she treats of that trade, and of the death of her parents, — her father who was killed by an irate customer he had cheated, and her mother who choked on a stolen sausage. Justina's adventuring be- — gflns itter these melancholy events with a jour- ney she undertakes to a fiesta at Arenillas. This ends with her capture by the mad crew of students, and her cleverly outwitting them so that they are all brought tipsy to her vU- - lage, Mansilla, and forced to run for their lives. Justina's second wandering is to Leon, 236 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY where she defrauds her hostess, changes a sil- ver agnu9 dei for a gold one, blackmails a hermit, steals an ass to replace one stolen from her, disguises as a beggar in order to get funds, and after an irreverent pilgrimage to a neighboring shrine, befools a student with a pretended box of honey. She and a barber then trick an inn-mistress who falls ill, the barber passing as physician; and when the picara in turn has tricked the barber, she returns home to Mansilla a second time in triumph. Justina's third sallying forth is oc- casioned by the persecution of her brothers and sisters, who endeavor to disinherit her. She arranges, however, for a lover to steal for her the family jewels and plate, and so is allowed to depart unsuspected, going to Rioseco to enter a legal protest against her relatives. The lawyers get her money, and Justina ia ^c\to.(^.^ fn faVft sfiT^yice with a wool- spinner, a Morisca. But the rich old hag dies, ~ and Justina appropriates her property, pretend- ing to be her heiress. With fresh funds and more discretion, the lawsuit ends satis- factorily, and for the third time Justina re- turns to Mansilla victorious, Each of these CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 237 sallies has constituted a book, the first en- titled La picara montafiesa^ the second and longest, La picara romera^ and the third, La picara pleiteista. The fourth and last book is La picara novia. Here Justina is unsuc- cessfuUy courted by a maker of toys, by a foolish flagellant, and by lesser claimants ; but finally she is wooed and won by a card-play- ing widower, an ancient man of arms, already appointed by the court the guardian of her estate, and therefore the wisest possible choice because the most profitable. The tale winds up with the marriage festival at the inn, where in the merriment even the corregidor dances, and Justina sounds her farewell, say- ing : "It is the wedding-night — good night I " Each chapter was preceded by a versified gloss, fifty-one different measures being used in all, and among them the versos de caho roto^ found also in the Quixote. Poor as were these inventions for the most part, Perez was un- doubtedly proud of his talent, and the title- page said of the work, Es juntamente Arte PoHica. Beginning thus with rhyme, each chapter closed with cold reason in an apro- vechamiento containing the moral lesson to be 238 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY conveyed, "which will show thee," says the title, " how to profit from this reading to flee the deceits current to-day." And in his pro- logue to the reader, the author, admitting that some few through his work might learn of devices undreamt of before, opposes to this the fact that every one must learn too to shun something of the world's naughtiness, while if the book had been all vanity it must have been wrong to print it, but if all holiness few would have read it. These moralizings, how- ever, suggest that the volume to begin with lacked the holiness which the Inquisition as a condition of publication later insisted upon 1^ its appending to its vanity. But if the prof- j itable remarks of the Picara Justina are con- veniently disposed for omission in reading, mere discursiveness is still as much as ever a feature, and the involved and eccentric style of Perez renders his narrative fatiguing. He has been hailed as the first corruptor of Span- /yT ish prose, ever since Cervantes in the Viage ^ del Pamaso condemned him,^ and extravagant conceits, alliterations, plays on words, puns, and learned affectation are inseparable from ^ Mayans y Siscar, preface to Juatina^ 1735, Madrid. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 239 his writing. Like Juan Martf, his greatest lack_was inventivengss, but in wit and satiric snap he was Majii^ superior. The jSrst to herald the brilliant burlesque of Quevedo's Suscon^ he was the first also to seize upon a woman to be the rogue of his book, and in , that respect he waq thft prftdef*.fts^<^or of Barba- dillo and of Solorzano. From the mere fact of replacing the anti-hero byan anti-heroine, the element of the service of masters was almost \ eliminated. For women in those days were not admitted to many trades. Justina herself had but one mistress, the Morisca ; and there- after, down to Moll Flanders, the women of the romances of roguery were treated rather accord- / ing to their lovers and their personal exploits i than according to their changes of service. The picara thus secured inevitably greater freedom . of movement than the picaro. and t^^^ngh ^*^^ \ was to come the evolution of the rogue novel to a higher stage, where the theme was not so , much the classes in society as individuj ^ ventures and aspects of life. Justina herself ^ was a distinct personality, as Lazarillo had not been, and Solorzano's Rufina proved more of a character still. The incidents of Perez's novel t f 240 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY were commonplace and deficient in ingenuity ; Justina's wanderings were all within a narrow radius, of no real interest, and the action describ- ing them was slow and circumscribed. Only the jocular handling of the story could have saved it from oblivion. No long tales, and few anecdotes, were introduced, mere rambling dis- courses taking their place. A good deal of travel description in a limited circuit was in evidence, as well as coarseness of the kind found in the German jest-books and in the Buscon, But the charge of lubricity often brought against Perez is altogether unfounded. He knew nothing of the insinuating art of the French conteur^ and his anti-heroine was chaste against odds. A Segundo tomo^ to consist of four books like the first instalment, was prom- ised, but spared the public, in spite of the moderate success of the original, which in 1608 / was brought out in Brussels by Olivero Bru- / nello, and in 1640 at Barcelona, where it was ^ / called La picara montafleaa llamada Jvstina. In Italian the Vita della picara Griustina Diez was published at Venice by Barezzo Barezzi in 1624 in a first part, which, however, carried Justina only as far as her triumph over the CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 241 students. The remainder of the two hundred odd pages of this redaction consisted of inserted anecdotes, and six love tales cribbed from vari- ous sources and supposed to be told to the picara by the six chief gentlemen of Mansilla in honor of her return there. In 1629, Barezzi issued his Volume secondo intitolato la dama va- gante^ which got only as far in Justina's Leon journey as her stealing the ass. Two-thirds of this mLrable piece o1 book-making was irrele- vant interpolation consisting, in the words of Barezzi, of molte vaghe historie^ nouvellette^ detti^ sentenze^ e facetie singolari. The rest of the original, Barezzi was undoubtedly reserving as the framework for a third and fourth part which he threatened but failed to produce. The verses, although retained, he made no attempt to translate, speaking of them slight- ingly as serving piit a pompa che ad utile. In Germany the Italian version was the basis for the book Der Lanclstiirtzerin Justinae Dietzin Picarae die frewdige Dama genannt^ printed at Frankfort by Caspar Roteln in 1627.^ Barezzi was referred to on the title-page and his per- ^ Grftsze gives 1618 for German Justina^ whose translation, he states, forms the 2^ Theil of Albertiuus' Guzman, 242 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY formance exactly rendered. In France, an anonymous translation, the privilege for which dates from the first of May, 1635, was issued by Pierre Blaise, Pierre Bilaine, and Anthoine de Sommaville entitled La narquoise Justine lec- ture pleine de recreatives aventures ^ de morales railleries contre plusieurs conditions humaines. In the preface admission was made of Justina's superfluity of discourse being sloughed off, and restraint imposed upon her mingling of the sacred with the profane, but it was urged upon the reader to remember still que ce n'est pas une merge de cloistre qui parle^ mais une narquoise libertine. In English, the work of Perez led the list of similar fictions included in Captain John Stevens' 27ie Spanish Libertines^ printed at London by Samuel Bunchley in 1707. Here the Picara was entitled, Justina^ the Country Jilt^ and Stevens said of his version, " it is not a translation, but rather an extract of all that is diverting and good in the original, which is swell'd up with so much cant and reflection as really renders it tedious and unpleasant." Whatever may be said of Stevens' novelistic rendering of the Celestina^ his Justina in eight chapters was a vast improvement upon the CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 243 Spanish, whose jesting humor and chief in- cidents were retained, while the profitable remarks were dropped. The Lazarillo^ the Guzman^ and the Justina were preeminently works of the first stage of picaresque fiction, not merely from chronology, but also from their general character. Form- 1 less in plan, and burlesque in style, they were \ crude, their satire fierce, their morality, if pres- f ent, appended. To be ranged along with them as romances of roguery of the same primitive order were others, the Desordenada codicia of 1619, the Lazarillo de Mdmanares of 1620, the Alonso mopo de muchos amos of 1624 and 1626, and the Vida i hechos de Ustevanillo Q-onzalez of 1646. Between these there were wide differ- ences, but in all, observation was paramount, the picaro but just emerging from his deeds, and a nearness to the origins of the romance of roguery apparent. Ustevanillo Q-omalez^ although published so *. much later than the others, was cruder than any. It appeared at Antwerp with the widow of Juan Cnobbart, and, dedicated to Ottavio Piccolomini, it bore every mark of being the work of his buffoon, its professed author, 244 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY Estevanillo, hombre de huen humor^ Indeed, it contained commendatory verses from the picaro's companions in the Duke of Amalfi's service, and the prologue made apparent the literary ancestry of the book. " I warn you," says the rogue of his story, " that it is neither the pretended life of Guzman de Alfarache, nor the fabulous life of Lazarillo de Tormes, nor the supposed life of the Cavallero de la Tenaza, but a true relation," and the witnesses, he adds, are alive to verify its accuracy. In spite of this, it is probable that the autobiography, if such it really were, took as much from the romances of roguery and the author's invention as it did from fact, and distinct traces of pica- resque influence are to be noted, especially from .^^OAO^ I Lazarillo^ Ghizmany and the Buscan, Esteva- nillo, in telling his story, passes lightly over his parentage and his education, — his father a Spaniard in Italy, his mother dying there of eat- ing mushrooms, and the picaro's best achieve- 1 Nicolds Antonio believed in the apocryphal Brussels 1619 and Madrid 1620 editions, both of which are now generally discredited. The date, 1645, is specifically men- tioned in the 13th capitulo^ and Ficcolomini himself was not bom until 1699. Nor is there any ground for the occasional attribution of this work to the author of the Diablo cojuelo. CBUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 245 ment at school, the sale of powders to strengthen the memory. Apprenticed to a barber, he plies his trade so badly as to be obliged to flee from wrath, and between the shrine at Loretto and the haunt of rogues at Siena, he wanders about, cheating at dice and cards with the connivance of innkeepers. At Livorno he embarks in the fleet of the Duke of Tuscany, and constant mischief at the expense of the soldiers ensues. In Palermo he serves and tries to rob the secretary of Dona Juana de Austria, and in the kitchen of the archbishop he is a scullion. At Rome he is pledged to another barber, but decamps with his master's tools and sets up for a surgeon in Naples ; and after a varied career in every capacity from alguazil to robber, he sails for Barcelona. Estevanillo, with two picaros for companions, travels over Spain as a pilgrim, living on what can be pilfered or received in charity, and turning his hand to all trades, from convent-building and goat-herding, to water-carrying and charla- tanry. After having served in the army and navy successively, and as pedler, ballad-singer, and fisherman, he finally sails to Saint Malo and journeys through Normandy and Brittany. 246 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY He enlists against the English, but pockets his advance pay and escapes. He defrauds the Jewish colony at Rouen by distributing the feigned ashes of his father, a martyr to the Inquisition. He raises a blister on his leg at Paris after the fashion of Guzman at Rome and Gaeta, and returns down the Rhine to Italy, selling needles and making further profitable enlistments. From Naples he brings up in Spain and is condemned to death as author of a camp brawl, but being pardoned he is shortly back in Lombardy, and then in Bavaria, where as always his valor is conspicu- ous by its absence. He is vivandero in the Low Countries ; and when Count Piccolomini, general of the imperial forces, receives him for page and jester, his day of glory has come. He stands head covered before the Empress of Austria; he is entertained by the viceroy at Prague. He arranges satiric shows for car- nivals, carries important despatches from one end of Europe to the other, is hand and glove with all sovereigns, and shines in every wag- gery perpetrated in court or camp. In Flanders he steals from a commissary by tunnelling under his bed. In Poland he wins in a drink- CBUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 247 ing-bout by means of sponges in his boot. In the Tyrol he is pressed into the service of a half-breed captain. On board an Italian felucca he taps a keg of wine, and lying down beside it at night pretends to be smoking when in reality he is drinking. At a village fiesta in Spain he carries off the prize for competitive verses to be hung on the church door, as no- body can understand what he writes, and he is accounted a second Gongora. At Falmouth, in England, he vends lemons and converses with the inhabitants in Latin ; and in Brussels he discovers that a mistress he had left there has run off with another man. Disconsolate, and having the example of Charles Fifth before him, he too determines to abdicate. In retiring, his San Yuste is Naples, where he goes to take charge of a card house, a gift from the Spanish king. He writes verses to his mistress and an elegy upon the death of the Empress Maria. Then he takes leave of his master, the Duke of Amalff, and the courtiers, composing a farewell . poem to them without the use of the letter O. L This strange and hurried account, with its quips and satirical turns, its absolute lack of plan or development, was unique in some re- '~\ 248 BOMANCES OF ROGUERY spects among the romances of roguery. Rude and merciless, it was a succession of practical jokes of a low order, perpetrated without malice and also without pity.. True comedy never ap- peared, but coarse and ironic, with a devotion to fact not always entertaining, the narrative rattled on devoid of self-consciousness, mean- ing, or moral. The range of journeys under- taken was the largest in Spanish picaresque fiction, and travel description a considerable part of the story. But tricks, not observation, were always uppermost in the jesting anti-hero's mind. Estevanillo throughout was a merry rogfue, a coward, and an inordinate guzzler. No other picaro could drink so much or so often as he. In more than one way resembling Falstaff, he, too, was a friend of those in high ' station, maintained by his distinguished patrons for his vices mellowed with wit, and yet, as compared with FalstafiF, only a clown and not a man. The tradition of the. service of masters Estevanillo preserved, but his pace was so rapid that he failed to secure the full benefit of the scheme. Often he did not stop to look about him, and his sketchy story gave nothing in de- tail save particular jests. Thus it did not poa- CBUDE FORMS OF THE PICAKESQUE NOVEL 249 sess the realistic merits of others of its class, and as a work of art it fell distinctly below them. The English translation by Captain Stevens in The Spanish lAhertines of 1707, dubbed Este- vanillo "the most arch and comical of scoun- drels " ; and Stevens in his preface says, " In the opinion of many, he seems to have outdone Lazarillo de Tormes, Guzman de Alfarache, and all other rogues that have hitherto appear'd in print," adding that, "had the original come sooner to hand, it would have had first place in his book, but that wherever it is, the reader, it is hoped, will find his end here, which is diver- sion." The Englishing was done with spirit and practically in full, although all but .two of the poems were suppressed, and new chapter divisions were made after the seventh of the Spanish. In France in 1734, Le Sage brought out his novel, the Histoire cTUstevanille Gonzales^ sumommS le gar f on de bonne humeur: tir^e de VEspagnol. The title gave every reason to sup- pose the French work a translation of the other, and has led to repeated assertions to that effect, but it is nothing of the sort. As a matter of fact, the only borrowings from the Spanish V J 260 ROMANCES OP ROGUERY JSstevaniUo are to be found in Le Sage's first chapter, where the picaro's experiment as a barber, and his service as an hospital surgeon at Naples, are transferred from the first and third chapters of the original ; but beyond that, there is no connection whatever with the Span- ish tale. Ottavio Piccolomini is not mentioned, and the whole action revolves historically about the Conde de Lemos and more especially the Duque de Osuna, whom Estevanillo serves in his disgrace and up to the time of his death. The very opening of the misleading fiction of Le Sage is not from the Spanish Estevanillo^ but from the Vida de don Ghregorio Griuidafla in the Siglo Pitagdrico. Other passages were sug- gested by Rinconete y Oortadillo^ by the AIoubo mofo de muchos amos and by Marcos de Obregon. From the latter at least one chapter was taken bodily,^ and from the same source comes the account of Joachim's captivity at Algiers. The author of Gril Blas^ who had improved Guzman de Alfarache by his omissions in doing it into French, may have felt that in Estevanillo G-on- zalez he had something capable of improvement only by complete rewriting, thus retaining noth- 1 Estevanillo^ Chap. 20 ; Marcos^ Rel. III., 4. ^^w CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 251 ing save the name of his original. Whatever it was that induced Le Sage to attempt to hood- wink the public with a pseudo-translation, he certainly succeeded. In his Gil Blas^ however, the story of Scipion embodied the incident of Estevanillo's attempted flight from Palermo, after robbing his master, who in the French work was a gamester, and it also included Estevanillo's taking part in a play as the boy king of Leon, and running off from the stage Moors with his elegant costume. Le Sage said, too, of Scipion, " on aurait pu le aumommer d Juste titre le gar- fan de bonne humeur.^^^ But if the Spanish novel were not flattered by general imitation, it had some influence, and chief among the fic- tions resembling and probably inspired by it was the AvantureB tragi-comiqueB du Chevalier de la Gaillardise of the Sieur de Prefontaine, issued in 1662. In 1620 at Madrid, the Lazwrilla de Man- zanares^ con otras cinco novelas^ by Juan Cortes de Tolosa, was published by the widow of Alonso Martin. All but one of the novelas had already appeared in Tolosa's Discursos fnoraiea three years earlier ; two of them ^ GU Bias, X, 10 ; X.^ 8 ; and Esteoanillo, 2. 262 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY were picaresque ; but the Lazarillo was still more rigorously an imitation of the first romance of roguery. The anti-hero even be- gins his story as did the rogue of the Tormes, addressing the reader Ansi que Bohra vueB9a merced. He is born in Madrid, his father being a thief in jail for attempting to hang his mother, who is under suspicion of witchcraft. Laza- rillo being sent to study at Alcala, falls in love there with a pastry-cook and assists her in making pies from dead horses, but two misfor- tunes befall him, for his mistress presents him with a daughter, and his mother is seized by the Inquisition. Going to the Guadalaxara, Laza- rillo secures a place with a one-eyed sacristan whose wife has a barber for gallant. In Madrid once more, the picaro serves a ruffian who badgers gentlemen that visit his clever spouse ; but the lady who is left a widow being quickly consoled with another, Lazarillo is involved in domestic quarrels between the bride and her new bus- band, and for false swearing is stripped and whipped. Sadly he takes the road to CiguenQa, but meeting a cheating hermit is admitted into partnership. For several years they wander over Spain together, Lazarillo finding his mother CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 253 gracing an auto d4^6 at Toledo, and thank- ful to hear her confess him not really her son. After the hermit's death, LazariUo conducts unfortunate intrigues for a young gentleman of Seville, becomes a beggar, and serves as tutor to the nephews of a canon. These pupils are rogues who make him think himself stabbed and bleed him with wine, and who rob their uncle by means of hired rascals clad in sheets, brought to his treasure room as statues. Laza- riUo, resigning from this charge, is fleeced by a Portuguese, who pretends to be an alchemist, aiid dining unwittingly with a thief is taken to prison along with him. Released, he sets up a school, where all goes well until a matri- monial agent so hounds him concerning a mar- riage with a woman, beautiful in soul but in nothing else, that he has to resort to flight. But poetic justice is done, for the agent must wed his client himself, going to the galleys and the lady into exile, while LazariUo returns and is engaged by an hidalgo in a matter of commerce to embark for Mexico, — " donde me sucedio lo que a vuessa nierced prometo en la Be- gunda parte^ prosiguendo hasta q ya par mi mueha vejez no me pude contar entre I09 vivos.^* r ii 264 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY No encouragement for the publication of this second part was merited or received, however, nor did it ever appear. And the first part does not seem to have reached a second edition or any translation. The story was written in the usual jesting style, verging upon the burlesque, with anec- dotes inserted, and a long dream of Lazarillo's, suggestive of the later Diablo cojuelo fantasy. It was coarse and crude, and even more than any of its forerunners the tale lacked unity, while most of the incidents were not worth reciting. Reminiscences of other picaresque novels were not wanting, and the title pro- claimed its close relation to the Lazarillo de Tormes; but the almost certain prototype of this mediocre romance was the Buscan of Quevedo still in manuscript. There can be little question of the connection between these two fictions, and while Quevedo, whose work was not printed until 1626, might have borrowed from this, altering his own story composed more than a decade before, it is more probable that Tolosa was the plagiarist. Like Don Pablos, La^apmo-^le Manzanares begins with student life and ends by hoisting sail for the Indies, and the passages CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 266 relating to the witchcraft of the mothers of both anti-heroes, and to the pastry -trade, as well as the whole manner of the narrative, can leave no doubt of imitation. The Marcos de Ohregan^ published two years before, very likely suggested the amour of the barber with the sacristan's wife, but at all events the Lazarillo de Man- zanarea did not copy its predecessors closely enough to be redeemed through their virtues from its own mediocrity, and its only interest to-day, aside from its place in the picaresque \ development, is its rarity. J For Tolosa's Discursos morales of Saragossa, 1617, Lope de Vega, Barbadillo, and Velez de Guevara wrote eulogistic verses, but the novelas printed there in the third book were, if any- thing, inferior to the Lazarillo de Manzanares. The first of them, the Novela del licenciado Peri- quin was picaresque, telling the story of the son of Pedro de la Oliva and Maria la Carga of Segovia. After a roguish youth he serves a farrier, a barber, and an innkeeper, thieving in each trade, and finally so injured, as the result of a quarrel, that he goes to a hospital. Beg- gary is his next resort, and then service with a urate, a lawyer, and a physician. He becomes c 256 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY a tutor at Ciudad Real and attempts a marriage cheat upon the daughter of an apothecary. Failing in this, he spends four years at Sala- manca, studying and writing a book on the moral properties of animals. Forced to leave the university on account of an affray, he enlists as alfSrez for Sicily, becoming now Don Pedro. He has love complications with two ladies, who pursue him as he is endeavoring to elude them in a ship; one is drowned, he marries the other, and lives to be rich and happy, " dying full of days and not empty of merit." Of every picaro, as of this one, it might be said, " Periquin laughed with the happy, wept with the sad, gamed with the rogue . . . was in short a chameleon, which takes the color of the cloth on which it is placed." More vigorous, if less exactly pica- resque, smoother in style and generally better, was the Novela de la comadre, the tale of a cheat put upon Beatriz, a midwife, and her pretty daughter, Felipa, of Jaen, by Molino, a lackey of Felipa's betrothed. The lover himself is absent in the Indies, but has left Molino to guard his interests. The picaro, however, as- sociates with him another scoundrel, and the two playing a double role, first as religious \ \ CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 257 ascetics, and then as wealthy Mexicans, manage very adroitly to ruin Beatriz, Felipa, and the latter's cousin, Isabel, escaping with their goods and leaving their ambitious victims each an heir. The humor of the story lay in the mas- querade of the rogue lackeys as father confes- sors at one moment, and as gallants at the next, their holy disguise being used to aid and abet their rogueries. Differing from any other of the picaresque novels of the first stage and* embracing both the crude observation of rogue life and a distinct rogue fiction as well, the Desordenada codicia de lo8 bienes agenoB of 1619 was a curi- ous accession to the series. Its author. Dr. Carlos Garcia, of whom Nicolas Antonio says Nesdo quisy doctorem sese nuncpans^ had already printed at Paris in 1617 the more famous Antipatia de loa Franceses y Fspafioles^ his only work known to Antonio. Treating of the alliance between France and Spain through the marriage of Louis Thirteenth with Anne of Austria, this book was of sufficient general interest to be issued both in Spanish and French in 1622 and several times thereafter, in Italian in 1658, in German in 1676, and in Eng- N \ y 268 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY lish in 1704.^ Garcia himself must have been a refugee at the French court, where at that period the antechambers of the great were filled with Castilian adventurers, and it was from Paris and the press of Adrian Tififaine that the Desordenada was published. In a bantering fashion the book compares the mis- eries of a prison to the pains of hell, and describes the life of the prisoners who live apostolically without scrip, staff, or shoes, hav- ing nothing superfluous or double. In eating they use their five fingers for spoons, and must drink from a pit in the top of their hats, getting more grease than wine. For napkins they have their skirts, " and for a tablecloth the wrong side of a poor old cloak, thread- bare and fuller of beasts than the linen cloth which Saint Peter saw in Damascus." The author purchasing with silver the good-will of the rabble comes to be largely consulted by the gallants of hell, and by one thief in particu- lar, Andres, who expatiates upon the antiquity and nobility of his art. From nothing you ^ For a fuller account of this and of Garcia, see preface to the reprint of it together with the Codida de los bienes agenos in Tomo YIL of Libras de antaho, Madrid, 1877. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 269 make something in this trade, he says. All the monarchs of the earth practise it as well as the ecclesiastics and the merchants. Relat- ing his own story, Andres tells of the un- timely end of his cheating parents, Pedro and Esperanza, who were hanged with others of the family for a little matter; the ceremony was performed by their dutiful son himself in order to save his own neck. He was apprenticed to a shoemaker, where it took him some time to learn to stitch, having been taught always to rip, but being detected in a notable cheat, he was scourged about the streets and banished. Entering the ranks of professional picaros after this, he lauds thieving anew as a liberal art practised by all, from the blind man who steals the half of every song he sings, to the physician applying plasters to feed the disease and swell his fee. Then the thirteen orders of Spanish rogues are described, with the functions of each. Personal reminiscences of the narrator in this or that order lead him finally to tell of being bound up in a bale and sent to a goldsmith whom he intended to rob. In cut- ting his way out to liberty he sliced an ap- prentice asleep on the bale, and so was sent 200 ROMANCES OF ROGUERT to the galleys at Marseilles. But his wit did not forsake him there, for professing a knowl- edge of magic, he guaranteed to the galley captain and a steward to soften the hearts of their obdurate ladies by enchantment. At the full of the moon going to the fields with the picaro alone, the credulous captain was per- suaded to strip and crawl into a sack, and the majordomo to be bound naked with a cord and his lady's hair, after which, knocking off his chain, and with the shivering lovers' horses, clothing, and money, Andres rode blithely away. In Lyons he contracted an alliance with a lady of light virtue who pre- tended to love him for himself, and whom he loved for her pearl necklace. One night when he thought her sleeping, he arose, and on the point of being detected in stealing the neck- lace, had only time to swallow the pearls one by one. The police used an emetic to reveal the fraud, and Andres again graced the cart's tail. At Paris when an accomplice in a bale had effected an entrance to a tradesman's warehouse and was throwing booty from the window to Andres in the street, the watch came up and caught them both. The accom- ^ CBUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 261 plice was sent to the galleys, and Andres is in jail here expecting a like sentence. He con- fides the statutes and customs of the thieving fraternity to the author, with which this re- markable volume is brought to a close. In Spanish this book's only predecessor as to a study of rogue language was the Romances de germania de varios autores^ con el vocabulario por la orden del a. b, c. of Juan Hidalgo, published in 1609. Christoval de Chaves, at the close of the second part of the Relacidn de la cdrcel de Sevilla 1585-1597, had said, ^^Pareciome poner aqui un breve discurso de algunos vocablos deata gente^'' but his promise had not been fulfilled. Hidalgo, however, besides his canting verses, had given a dictionary of above twelve hundred words of thieves' slang which incidentally set forth or- ders of rogues, although without distinct grada- tions among them. The J^inconete ^ Oortadillo of Cervantes had been a still nearer approach ; for, published with the Nbvelaa exemplares in 1613, it depicted the notorious hampa assem- blage of Seville and outlined what Garcia gave in detail. Andres, when pressed to divulge his true name and birthplace, makes the same reply as Rincon with Monipodio's approval, to the 262 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY effect that the wise thief conceals such things, since then he can always plead to a first offence, and his relatives will be spared the pain of hearing their names coupled with his on the gallows. Jest-book lore furnished something toward this story too, and passages closely re- sembling several in Til Evlenspiegel are present. But the significance of the little fiction is its influence upon later works. The pretended magic practised upon the galley captain and the steward was repeated in the robber's spell upon Valentin in La vraye histoire comique de Frandon of 1622. The incident of the swallowed pearls formed the tenth story of the third book of the Histoire gSnSrale des larrona of 1626.^ This same episode appeared also in the English Rogue of Richard Head and Francis Kirkman, 1665-1671, as did the boot-stealing exploit of Andres, and the ac- count of his being discovered in hiding under a bed by a dog and a cat quarrelling there. The latter device cropped up in Spanish in ^ The first book was issued at Paris, Martin Collet, 1623 ; the second and third books, Rolin Baragiies, 1625 ; the three together, first at Rouen, M. du Souillet, ou J. de la Mare. The author was Sieur d^Aubrincourt or F. D. C. Lyonnois, pseudonymes probably of Francois de Calvi. CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 208 the Nbvelas morales of Agreda y Vargas of 1620, and in English in TTie Complete History of the Lives and Robberies of the Most Notorious Highwaymen^ by Captain Alexander Smith, pub- lished from 1714 to 1720. This contained many other borrowings from the Desordenada codieia^ including the pearl and boot incidents, verbatim descriptions of prison life, and the trick of having a crier proclaim articles just stolen as already found, so as to divert atten- tion from the escaping thief. And yet in Spain the Desordenada codida had but one edition, although abroad its fortune was better. From its sub-title of La antigiledad y nobleza de los ladrones it was translated in French as LantiquitS des larrons by D'Au- diguier in 1621, with later editions at Paris in 1623, and at Rouen in 1632. In English, it appeared as The Sonne of the Rogue^ or the Politick Theefe ; With the Antiquitie of Theeves^ translated from the French by W. M., and noting the fact that a Dutch redaction had already come out. An English reprint in 1650 was the same in all respects except bearing the title, Lavemae or the Spanish Ghipsy ; the whole Art^ Mystery^ Antiquity^ Company^ Nbblenesse^ and Excellency ^ ROMANCES OF ROGUERY of TheeveB and Theeving. That the Desordenada codicia should have been appreciated in Eng- land was natural, for it came closer than any other Spanish work to following the course suggested in the rogue-pamphlets of Harman, Greene, and Dekker, and but for its humor and satire was not unlike its contemporaries there, the ^ssayes and Characters of a Prison and Pris- oners by Geffray Mynshul of 1618, or more nearly still. The Compter^ s Commonwealth by William Fennor in 1617, reprinted in 1619 as The Miseries of a Jaile. ^ y On the dividing line between the romances of roguery of the first and of the more culti- vated kind stood the Buscon of Quevedo and the Aloriso mopo de muchos amos of the Dr. Geronimo de Alcala Yafiez y Rivera. The latter resembled its predecessors in that it held fast to the service of masters, and was occu- pied rather with the rogue's observation of conditions of life than with his personal ex- ploits; but the former accentuated the satire of the Lazarillo genre, and, passing lightly over the scheme of service, and observation of estates, it laid stress upon the rogue himself as a pro- fessional picaro, drawing out for him a more CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 265 definite character as the chief interest in the '' story. It is therefore to be ranked as the first of the perfected picaresque novels, although still coarse and virulent, while the Alonso^ if deficient in satire, was still of the primitive type and its last representative. This novel was published in two parts separately, the first at Madrid in 1624, and the second at Valladolid in 1626. Its author, signing himself mSdico y drujano^ vezino^ y natural de la ciudad de Segovia^ had studied the classics and theology— at Alcala, and medicine at Valencia/ His lapse into fic- tion at the age of fifty-one proving more suc- cessful that his other literary ventures, the issue of a second edition of the original Alonso mofo de muchoB amos at Barcelona in 1625 must have spurred him on to compose his con- tinuation, although in the prologue there he professes to have written it many years before, but to have feared putting ijb to press on ac- count of the size of the volume. The story as to form was dialogued, although practically autobiographical; for, of the two personages who speak in the first part, a vicar and the anti-hero himself, the vicar's role is merely an excuse, Alonso recounting his life in response to L 2(» BOBiANCES OF ROGUERY an occasional perfunctory query. The picaro, when the scene opens, is employed as lay- brother in a convent, and tells his tale to the vicar of evenings as they walk abroad to take the air. He was early bereft of his parents, his father dying, and his mother leaving him with her brother, a miserly curate, by whom Alonso was so abused that he ran away to Salamanca. Hazed and faring ill at the uni- versity, he turned soldier, and with a rascally company foraged over Spain, until a brawl with peasants forced him to seek refuge with a sacristan. Rebukes administered to this master gained his dismissal, and going to Toledo he was engaged by a poor hidalgo, married to an ugly wife without a real. The miseries endured here and the poetizings of the bridegroom and ill-temper of the bride sent Alonzo questing once more, after advice ad- ministered to all concerned ; and at Madrid he became secretary to a newly appointed judge for C6rdova. Here he was successful until his fondness for counselling forced his departure for Seville. After adventures at an inn on the road, where matrimony was almost thrust upon him, he served a physician, praising the J 268 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY had been, although given more to say, and addicted to frequent moralizing on his own account. Alonso, picking up the thread of his narrative where he had left it, tells how he came to leave his position as donadoy being dis- charged for much talking. He was kidnapped by gypsies, with whom he led a thieving life until, having escaped, he set up for a noble at Saragossa, attended social functions uninvited, and finally married a wealthy widow. Her sons, however, gave him no peace, and after two years and a half of purgatory, her death released him. As poor as ever, he wandered to Lisbon, serving a gentleman whose daughter he was at pains to guard from an obstrep- erous lover. The gallant he tricked and shut out in the rain as Guzman was served by the ambassador's lady, but the servants being leagued against Alonso for his prating, he left, and at Toro was employed by a bad painter, in whose pictures the sun and moon had to be labelled to be recognized. At Sego- via, Alonso turned wool-carder, and embarking at Alicante for Barcelona he was driven in a storm with his old friends the comedians to Algiers and captured. Ransomed by the San- CBUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 269 tissima Trinidad, Alonso, in accordance with a vow, returned to Spain as a hermit, in which estate the curate of San Zoles now finds him. Both parts of this novel were exceedingly discursive, containing together nearly fifty purely illustrative anecdotes, impeding the action, which but for them might have been fairly rapid and interesting. Besides these inserted fables, jests, and folklore tales, the moralizing was constant, and unrelieved by the keen satire that had distinguished Ghizman de Alfarache or the Picara Justina. Sometimes, indeed, satire was absent, although always in- cluded in the aggressively picaresque situations ; but the anti-hero himself was less a picaro than his brothers, and often only an adventurer pass- ing through society with eyes wide open. His character was inconsistent as Guzman's had been, for at one moment a rogue, at the next he would be declaring the purpose of his gossip- ing to be pious, the result of a " just zeal and being minded to bear some fruit in serving God with good counsel." This gratuitous dis- tribution of advice figured as the Donado's principal trait, and brought him into all his difficulties. Perhaps the worthy author meant 270 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY to have a fling at so common a failing, yet he was sadly subject to it himself. Rarablingly he dealt with everything, whether germane to his story or not, eulogizing at length his native city of Segovia, calling attention to himself as the writer of a pamphlet on the miracles of Nuestra Senora de la Fuenciscla, and entering into an extensive discussion with sacred cita- tions to prove that the Virgin was a blonde. Apart from these digressions, the fiction itself was entertaining, and its view of life in the Peninsula graphic and exact. The anti-hero was still subject to events, and as always a fatalist. When ruined by the loss at sea of his merchandise, he exclaims, "I now have nothing to fear nor to lose ; poor I was and poor I am; fortune has faced about, but if I thought myself a prince, being a picaro, I am still a picaro, come what will." Although the Alanso^ Servant of Many MasterB^ was frequently republished in Spain, it found no translators and was never influential abroad.^ 1 However, in the Trutz-Simplex . . . LebensheachreHh ung der Erzhetrugerin und Landatortzerin Courage of Hana Christolph von Grimmelshausen, 1670, Kap. 19, there is some resemblance to the cheats of the gitancta in Alon80, and the general description of gypsy life, Kap. 27, Is Teiy similar. ^ CRUDE FORMS OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 271 For all that, it has not wanted admirers, from Georg Philipp Harsdorffer, the seventeenth- century translator of Gil Polo's Diana in Ger- many, to George Borrow in England, who said of it, " perhaps with the single exception of the grand work of Cervantes, there is no novel in existence which can compete with it for grave quiet humor, while for knowledge of the human mind and acute observation, we do not believe its equal is to be found." After such extravagant tribute, it was a matter of course that Borrow should add, with more fervor than wisdom, "6h7 Bias sinks immeasurably below the Alonso of the Segovia Doctor."^ 1 7%c ZincalU or An Account of the Gypsies in Spain, London, 1843, L, p. 26. r CHAPTER V THE EMEBGENCE OF PEBSONAIiITY r In the inevitable progression of fiction from events toward character, the picaresque novel in Spain was bound to show a change from its early to its later development, and the touch- stone of this change was necessarily the emer- gence of the anti-hero as a person with a career of his own. The story of observation began to feel the need of personal interest, and of ordering events in accordance with some gen- eral idea, instead of describing merely impres- sions of external life pouring in pell-mell, confusedly. Therefore the romances of rogu- , ery of the second stage were tales in which [ less attention was paid to the classes of society, I and more to the observer. Because he was a rogue, the eye was rather fixed now on . his rogueries, not as mere tricks, but as expressing , himself and contributing to a plot. Discur- siveness and moralizing tended thus to dwindle, 272 y THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 273 as the importance of the fiction itself was emphasized, and romantic elements began more and more to intrude for contrast, while the form of the narrative became less stereotyped and simple. The Syia de Celestina and the Necio Ken afortunado of Barbadillo, the Laza- rillo de Tormes of Luna, the Marcos de Obregon \ I of Espinel, and the Teresa^ Trapaza^ and Grar-,' dufla of Solorzano were the principal works of this stage. The first of these in time and - as to type, however, was the Buscon of Fran- cisco Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas. Issued at Saragossa in July, 1626, by Pedro Verges for Roberto Duport, the Historia de la vida del buscon llamado Don P alios ^ ejemplo de vagamundos y espejo de tacaflos was regarded as so marketable that Alonso Perez, father of the poet, Perez de Montalvan, was condemned the following year for attempting to infringe Duport's rights with a Madrid reprint; legit- imate editions appeared at Barcelona in 1627, at Rouen in 1629, and at Pamplona in 1631. Duport in his dedication to the friar Juan Agustin de Funes spoke of the story as Smulo de Guzman de Alfarache, . . . y tan agudo y gracioso como Bon Quixote^ while less interested X 274 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY approbation was general. But the novel at the moment of its publication must have been well known already to Quevedo's intimates, if not to the reading public in general ; for its composition is certainly to be assigned to the first decade of the seventeenth century, contemporary allusions contained in it ranging between 1602 and 1607, and the presence of the court at Madrid, and the mention of the hanged poet, Alonso Alvarez, drunk to by the valientes of Seville, suggesting the latter date or 1608 as the most likely for its completion. Quevedo was rarely in a hurry to print. His half -picaresque Cartas del Cavalier o de la Tenaza^ dating from the beginning of the century, were not published until 1627 with the SuefloB^ themselves written from 1607 to 1622. But in manuscript all of these works were popular from the first, and the author by so circulating them secured his fame without endangering his person, since the gauntlet of Church and State censorship had not to be run, and to disavow a troublesome piece was easy. Quevedo is called by Quintana " el padre de la risa^ el tesoro de los chistes^ lafuente de las sales^ el maestro de la jocositad^'' and two talents he THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 276 certainly possessed to an extraordinary degree, that of satire and that of observation, conspir- | ing to mate his presentations of low life inimi- table. With the Capitulaciones de la vida de corte y ofidoB entretenidoa en ello^ composed in 1603 or 1604, he had given an early and care- ful study of the kingdom of rogues, including classifications of knaves and their functions, to have been acquired only by personal experi- ence. There he passed in review the army of mendicants and swindlers, the real and pre- tended maimed, the ruffians, the gamblers, the courtesans, the complacent husbands, rascals of every shade and description from the jargon- ing crew of germania to the sleekest of para- sites. All that was needed was the thread of a story to bind such folk and such scenes together, and this was provided in the Historia de la vida del gran tacafio^ as the Buscon^ after its author's death, came to be called. As rapidly told as the adventures of the first Lazarillo de Tormes^ and with as little moraliz- ing, the life of Pablos, the anti-hero of Segovia, is related by himself, from his birth as the son of a sharping father and an heretical mother, to his flight to the Indies after a drunken exploit 276 ROMANCES OF ROGtTERY in Seyille. He learns from his parents that the trade of appropriating others' property is no base mechanic art, and at school, by toadying to a rich youth, Don Diego, prepares the way for attending him at a boarding establishment and the university as page. The drolleries of early student life are followed at the pupilage of the miserly Cabra by a losing fight against starva- tion, and at Alcala by new rogueries to com- pensate for the torments of being hazed. When Pablos, not much the wiser for his dip into edu- cation, is recalled to Segovia to receive his inheritance, on the hanging of his father and the arrest by the Inquisition of his mother, he leaves one half of the town laughing at the other half's losses. A mad engineer, an eccen- tric fencing master, and a priestly poet enliven the journey to Madrid, beyond which a soldier, a gambling hermit, and a Genoese usurer are his travelling companions. Entering Segovia, Pablos spies his quartered sire adorning the city gate, and comes upon his uncle, the hang- man, belaboring the backs of a train of culprits. This worthy relative entertains his nephew and a strange rogue company, but Pablos, who can- not think of adopting the hanging trade, runs THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 277 away for Madrid when his portion is ii^Ji^yid, determined to see the world for himsell On the road he overtakes a mock hidalgo, the / veriest rascal in Spain, by whom he is enter- tained with a minute account of the cheating fraternity of the capital, and the second book of the novel opens with the introduction of Pablos to these ornaments of society. They * are skilled in infinite frauds and ruled by an old woman, who unfortunately gets them all into jail. Bat Pablos, bribing his way out and making love to his landlady's daughter, claims to be a noble and wealthy, and then to escape paying his board pretends to be seized by the Inquisition for magic. On commencing a cheat upon some fine ladies, hoping to secure a rich wife, the rare treat which he furnishes them goes for naught, as he is recognized by his old master and sorely beaten. The picaro, con- valescing, turns beggar, hiring children to steal for him ; he joins a strolling company of players and becomes their poet; he gallants with nuns, and having secured the best of his unattainable love's needlework on a pretence of its being raffled for, sets out for Seville. There he is brought into a gang of bullies, who in a 278 ROMANCES OP ROGUERY wild caroiise hunt alguazils about the streets, and having killed two by accident rather than by design, seek sanctuary in the cathedral. Fed there by all the courtesans in the town, Pablos escapes with one of them and embarks for the Indies, hoping to better his fortune. "But it proved worse, for they never mend their condition who only change places without mending their life and manners.** This was the anti-hero's last word, and the only moral reflection in the story. A second part, if not promised, was prepared for, much as had been the sequels of Lazarillo de Tormes ; and the French version of La Geneste in 1633, to avoid the abruptness of Quevedo*s ending, altered it by bringing Pablos to Seville with a comedian, and marrying him there after many ruses to the daughter of a rich merchant ; and Restif de la Bretonne, in 1776, produced a more elaborate conclusion still. In its plan and its satire the Buscon was obviously at- tached to tales of the primitive class. The same mould that had served for them could serve for it, and no contribution in intrigue, nor originality in invention, was afforded, yet it went a step beyond what the primitive novels ati-hero was 1 ever before, e lesB impor- it confined to as page to 36, it is true, age and the one. Except then, he was was focussed Bssion at the 3 and digres- certed notice ird, and even became more ire and there .oing in this Buscon was )ften frankly reless, but the e seintillation to odd flashes stiuction, in- uevedo, with e masterpiece 280 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY f^In France, in addition to L'avanturier Buseon^ 'histoire facStieuse^ translated by La Geneste in 1633, with the Lettres du Chevalier de VEpargne^ and often reprinted, the Sieur Raclots in 1699 at Brussels included a new version in his (Euvres de don Francisco de Quevedo^ borrowing La Geneste's conclusion, and in 1776, Restif de la Bretonne, aided by Vaquette d'Hermilly, brought out at the Hague Le fin matois ou his- toire du grand taquin^ with notes and a new ending, in eight supplementary chapters. This mediocre sequel, missing completely the spirit of its original, describes Pablos' marriage on shipboard to his Seville mistress, and their voyage to the Indies, the bride being appro- priated by the captain, and finally killed by the pilot, while Pablos excites a mutiny. Becom- ing captain himself, but deposed through his old friend, the gambling hermit, the picaro is marooned on an island and succored by an Indian girl, whom he basely betrays to Spanish soldiers. Returning to Spain, Pablos encoun- ters the hermit in jail, and the two, having been overheard confessing to each other their crimes, the hermit suffers death, and Pablos is con- demned to the galleys, during a respite from THE EMEBGENCE OF PERSONALITY 281 which, in recovering from wounds from hard usage, he writes his memoirs. In 1793, the original was again translated at Lyons, by F. M. Mersan; and Germond de Lavigne, emending his own improvements upon Quevedo, first made in 1843, has given the standard modern French version. An Italian rendering appeared at Venice in 1634, bearing the title of Historia delta vita delV astutissimo e sagacissimo bu8cone chiamato don Pablo^ transferred from the Castilian by Giovanni Pietro Franco ; and in 1657 The Life and Adventures of Buscon the witty Spaniard was "put into English by a person of honour," and printed at London with the Provident Knight^ a translation of the Cartas del Cavallero de la Tenaza. A fragmen- tary version in 1688 was issued with the Aun,- tella of Gonzalo de Cespedes y Meneses, and in 1707 Captain John Stevens, editor of the Spanish Libertines and translator of many Span- ish works from Avellaneda's Quixote to Mari- ana's history, included in his Comical Works of Quevedo the Life of Paul^ the Spanish Sharper^ still the best in English, although Pedro Pi- neda, a teacher of Spanish at London, in 1743, had a later redaction. A German and French 282 ROMANCES OF ROGUERT edition was published at Frankfort in 1671, as Der abenteurliche Buscon^ and a second trans- lation into German was made in 1781 by Fried- rich Bertuch, in his Magazin der Spanischen und Portugeiichen Litteratur at Dessau. In Dutch, Jan ten Hoorn of Amsterdam printed an anonymous translation as the Vermdkelyke historic van den koddigen Buscon in 1699, and at Amsterdam, without date, appeared also the Rollehollige Buscon. Except for the Visions^ this novel was the most widely known of Quevedo's works, and after the Lazarillo and Guzman de Alfarache the most popular of Spanish romances of roguery. As Dr. Carlos Garcia published in Cas- tilian during his Parisian exile, so his contem- porary and fellow-refugee, JuandeJ^na, an interpreter of Spanish at the French capital, brought out there in 1620 his Vida de Laza- rillo de Tormes^ corregida y emendada^ adding to it La segunda parte de la vida de Lazarillo de TormeSj sacada de las cordnicas antiguas de Toledo. Intending these as texts for the use of his pupils, Luna aimed to modernize and improve the diction of the original romance of roguery of 1554, and in his sec- THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 283 ond part purposed to rationalize the fantastic, ; anonymous sequel of 1555. Although the first attempt achieved and deserved no particular success, the second was highly creditable ; and it is for this new continuation of the Lazarillo that Luna is remembered. Confessing to have seen a foolish account of Lazarillo's adventures among the tunnies, Luna declared his intention of redeeming the anti-hero from such inappro- priate exploits and environment, giving instead the true relation of the picaro's further deeds^ and misfortunes, as he had often heard them at the fireside of winter evenings from the lips of his great-grandmother, and as they were to be found preserved in the ancient chronicles of the begging fraternity of Toledo. The story, proceeding from the events of the first part, accordingly, followed the second in having Lazarillo embark against the Algerines from Cartagena and the ship founder in a storm ; but Lazarillo remains only a brief time in the sea, discovering a treasure to which he ties a cord before rising to the surface. The other end of the cord is fastened to his foot, but in his rescue by fishermen they sever it, and then in chagrin on learning what they 284 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY have lost, determine to exact some profit from the picaro, by showing him as a marine curi- osity through Spain. Lazarillo is dressed as a merman forthwith and carried about the country until nearly drowned in one of his aquatic performances. Supposed to be dead, he is on the point of being thrown into the river, when, raising an opportune outcry, he escapes. Turning rogue in earnest, bringing a losing suit against his wife aud the archpriest, he tricks and is tricked, carries a gallant to his mistress in a box, serves seven ladies at once as esquire, becomes a cheating hermit, the real one having died, and after being worsted by the daughter of the dead hermit, whom he had thought to marry, concludes his nar- rative, saying: "This, friend reader, is in sum the second part of the life of Lazarillo, without adding or abating anything, as I have heard it told by my great-grandmother. If it please you, that rejoices me, and so adieu." ]^ The skill with which Luna joined this se- quel to its original, echoing almost exactly the : mocking laugh of the latter and maintain- ' ing its realistic spirit, was admirable. If the THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 286 action was not as swift, nor the style as in- cisive as in the old sketch, the satire was full as sharp, and the tale as free from the bane of moralization that came to haunt the inter- vening romances of roguery. Moreover here, as had not been the case in the first Lazarillo^ \ the anti-hero, and not the society elbowed by him, was of prime importance; and faithful as the fiction proved as a sequel, it stood at a far remove in this respect from that of the jesting servant of seven consecutive masters, who presented in their professions estates of the world. The personal interest and personal satire were most marked, and the story, there- fore, was no longer of the first crude stage of picaresque fiction. The Spanish edition of I this Lazarillo in 1652, claiming to be printed at Saragossa by Pedro Destar, was probably a falsification and really a French reprint, since the most obvious errors of the editio princeps were blindly repeated. The initial of Luna's given name appeared as "H.," and his nationality, as in the first edition, was misspelled " Castellafio." In the year of its first appear- ance, this sequel was done into French at Paris by Vital d'Audiguier and issued with its 286 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY original, and in the 1653 versified Lazarillo it was promised as a third part, with the 1555 Flanders continuation as a second. In the French redaction of George de Backer at Brus- sels in 1698, Luna was followed, and an epitaph given, dating Lazarillo's death as September 12, 1540, and his age at that time as thirty-nine years, five months, and eleven days. In Eng- lish, the Pursuit of the Historic of Lazarillo de Tormes by Jean de Luna was published as early as 1622, with further editions in 1631 and 1655, purporting here, as well as in the joint editions with the first part, in 1624, 1639, 1653, and 1669, to be translated by Luna himself. James Blakeston, however, who in the last two of these joint editions professed to have corrected Rouland's version by comparison with the un- expurgated original during his "late abode in Toledo," probably had a hand in the Englishing of Luna's sequel. The 1688 London rifaci- mento^ adopting Luna's second part, compressed and altered it, Lazarillo meeting shipwreck in returning from the Indies with the hidalgo of the first part. In the steps of the Pfcarc^^Jit^tma^ but even more of a rogue than Perez's anti-heroine, fol- THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 287 lowed La hyia de QelsjitUna^ whose story, writ- | ten by Alonso Geronimo de Salas Barbadillo, ' was first published at Saragossa in 1612. ' The fecundity and versatility of its author were demonstrated by a succession of plays, poems, and tales, interrupted only at his death in 1630, and closed by the posthumous Coronas del Par- naso y platos de las musas of 1635. From his early heroic poem on the Virgin of Atocha, La Patrona de Madrid restituida of 1608, to his prose burlesque. El caballero puntual in first and second parts of 1614 and 1619, or the Estafeta del dios Momo of 1627, Salas Barbadillo displayed the easy assurance of general if not distinguished talents. In 1620 with the Es- cuela de Celestina he dared emulate the notori- ous bawd of Fernando de Rojas, and in El caballero perfeto of 1620 turned to depict the ideal knight leading a life of honor in high offices. His Don Diego de Nbche of 1623 pre- sented nocturnal love adventures, his Casa del plazer honesto of 1620 amusing novelas^ and the Fiestas de la hoda de la incasahle mal casada of ^ Throughout in book-titles I have used the spellings that occTir in first editions, thus employing hyia for hija, paasch gero for pasmjero^ etc. 288 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY 1622 a noveldy a comedy, and verse and prose dialogues. Such medleys bound together by an inconsequential fiction were his delight, and scattered through them occurred as many verses as were collected in his Rima» Oastellanas of 1618. Even in his dramatic pieces, Salas Barbadillo's tendency to vary the performance with irrelative tales and rhymes was apparent, and if HI galan tramposo y pohre and the Vic- toria de Espafia y Francia proved fairly rigor- ous plays, the picaresque Pedro de Urdemaias and Sabia Mora Mahabidilla were merely dia- logued stories. However, in La hyia de Celestina^ or La ingeniosa Elena^ as the edition of 1614 called it, was produced a novel possess- ing unusual unity, which was in matter a frank romance of roguery. Celestina, as a character, always appealed to Salas Barbadillo, and the literary influence of the Tragi-comedia de Calisto y Melihea he recognized more than once, nota- bly in the preface to his prose comedy El sagaz Estacio marido examinado of 1620. His first and best picaresque novel therefore was not inap- propriately entitled the Daughter of Celestina, although Elena, its picara, was the child of a Granada slave merely so nicknamed. The THE EMERGENCE OF PERSONALITY 289 scene opens in Seville at a fiesta in celebration of the marriage of Don Sancho, whose rich old uncle is blackmailed by Elena and her pre- tended brother .Montufar. During the rogues' flight to Madrid, Elena relates the story of her life to Montufar, her father having been killed in the bull-ring, and she and her mother sup- ported by admirers. In a journey undertaken now by Elena, Montufar, and Mendez an old woman, all arrayed as pilgrims, Montufar falls ill of a fever, and the women, being wearied of him, sit on either side of the bed and admin- ister mock counsel before departing with his goods. Convalescing after three days, he pur- sues his heartless accomplices, and overtaking them feigns not to be offended, but in a solitary place robs and binds them to trees, addressing them with grave humor in the very words they had used to him. He relents, however, a recon- ciliation is effected, and at Seville the three pose as saints, taking the town by religious storm. Mendez dying here from the lashes bestowed at the discovery of their fraud, Elena and Montufar escape to Madrid, where they marry on a convenient arrangement, provid- ing for an income in the usual way. Mon- 290 ROMANCES OF ROGUEKY tufar is so pleased that when eating any special delicacy he must always exclaim in gratitude, ^^ Long health to him who sends me this ; " but finding his wife infringing their con- tract, a quarrel ensues with fatal results. The gallant kills the devoted husband and is hanged, and Elena on the banks of the Manzanares is garroted. But before dying she makes a will "Which returns to Don Sancho all that was stolen from his uncle, and an admiring poet in Toledo writes her epitaph. In the edition of 1614 and that of 1737 four chapters of no value were added to the original, Elena reciting romances^ and Montufar telling a long and unpicaresque novela^ interspersed with songs from a muleteer celebrating famous thieves. In the prologue the usual moral purpose was pro- fessed,^ but the story itself was happily free from moralizing and swift in action. Its di- vergence from the early picaresque type was marked, for it retained only the brief autobi- ography of the picara, and for the most part was told in the third person. No longer commenc- ^ Se pretende te muestra en la astucia y hermosiira de Elena mined already, and the workings there were (^ fairly abandoned. The Fanirti Fartvpq, 4pJ S[oMad(} P<^^7^^j dedi- cated to the Duke of Medina-Sidonia, appeared : at Lisbon in 1626; its author was Gonzalo de : C^spedes y Menses, whose Poema trdgico del Eapafiol Q-erardo y desengafio del amor lascivo of 1615 and 1617 had sufficiently indicated his romantic tendencies. In 1622 at Madrid he pub- lished an Sistoria apologStica de los aucesos de Aragon en los afios 1691 y 1692^ and at Saragossa in 1628 he gave a se^ries of six novelas as Historian peregrinas^ each one praising a different city of Spain. A life of Philip Fourth was issued in 1631, and his Francia engafiada y Francia responr dida appeared in 1636 ; but it was the Q-erardo for which he was chiefly known, done into DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 371 English as early as 1622 by Leonard Digges, and used by Beaumont and Fletcher in the Sparir ish Curate and the Maid of the Mill. Retaining many features of this prose romance, and the same system of interlaced tales and complicated intrigue, the novel of the ^oldado Pindaro was a better performance from the stylistic point of view, exemplifying the fiction of adventure in the picaresque mould grown into the novel of manners and sentiment. > In the introduction, the author told how waiting at a port in the winter of 1623 and 1624 for an opportunity to embark, and being disturbed one night in the monastery where he lodged by the advent of a wounded soldier seeking sanctuary, he re- ceived from the intruder on convalescing two volumes of autobiography in manuscript. One is published in this book and the second is shortly to appear. With so much of a setting, then, the history of Pindaro, the Soldier, begins. He was the son of a gentleman of family reduced to poverty through an affair of honor. Sent to school to the Jesuits, and fearing punishment for a boyish scrape, at the age of twelve he with a companion, Figueroa, ran away with two reales^ a Virgil, and a TuUy between them. In a vine- 372 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY yard they found a sword, and Figueroa girding it on was apprehended for a thief, while Pin- daro escaped by claiming stoutly that the owner tried to steal it from them. After seeing an old man reprieved who had been about to be exe- cuted at Toledo, and hearing his tragic story- told by a priest, Pindaro at Tembleque was mis- taken by friars for another runaway, and to secure the money they promised him, made a false confession. Leaving them in the lurch and going to Extremadura, he entered the ser- vice of Don Gutierre, the nephew of a prince. Here he was employed in a romantic intrigue for his master which ended unhappily, and enlisting as a soldier, he became the recipient of a mysterious casket while acting as watcher for a friend, Francisco, during a night-wooing. Later at San Lucar the owner of the casket was happened upon in a disconsolate lady to whom, after hearing her story, Pindaro and Francisco returned the treasure. A military voyage to the Indies, the disappearance of Francisco at Seville, spirited away by his crafty mistress, another voyage for consolation's sake by Pindaro, and the death of his father and the departure for the court at Valladolid of the adventurer DECADENCE OP THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 378 and his brother, brought to a close the first part of the novel. The second opens describing the gay life led by the soldier at the court and the remarkable intrigue he had with a fair unknown whom he always visited blind-folded, but who turned out to live just above him in the same house. Forced to fly to escape this lady's jealous resentment, he was assaulted in the mountains by a rogue innkeeper, and at Madrid was persecuted by the attentions of a foolish girl enamored of him. At Toledo he rescued Francisco from jail, where his false mistress had brought him, and at Ocana was given a casket containing a new-born infant, whose history was later related by its father and a priest. After saving once more the recaptured Francisco, Pindaro, sailing for Italy, was wrecked off Iviza and did battle with the Turks, one of whom he took for slave, and in Flanders dis- covered him to be the long-lost Figueroa who, after melancholy adventures in Spain, having been captured by corsairs, became one of them. With the repentance and death of Figueroa the book concludes, promising a second half to treat of the pure love of Isabel and the further adventures of the faithful Pindaro. 874 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY Manifestly, this novel was not picaresque in the sense that Ovaman de AlfaracTie or even La gardufia de Sevilla had been so. The hero was not a rogue although he was an adventurer. Capable of generous action and of some real emotion, he had not even experienced the changes of condition that were prerequisites of the picaro*s programme. With being a runaway, a page, and a soldier, his whole range of ex- ploit was exhausted. The satire of the novel, moreover, was neither aggressive nor continu- ous, and it lodged in the incidents rather than in the whole story, where whatever was pica- resque found place as well. But in these inci- dents there was much worthy of the romances of roguery and inspired by them. The early history of Pindaro, his descriptions of prison life, the roguish tricks of Pero Vasquez, the passes with a witch, the flings at innkeepers, at alguazils, and gypsies, and the realistic treat- ment maintained throughout, gave the fiction, in spite of its very romantic intrigue, an air of naturalism akin to that in the picaresque tales and which but for them it could never have acquired. Autobiographical but less discursive than most of its predecessors, the Soldado \ DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 376 Pindaro included a number of anecdotes and notably seven long episodes, the first of which alone had no direct connection with the story. The second and fourth were embedded in the plot itself, and the other four ingeniously re- lated to it. In the narratives of Francisco and of Figueroa there were picaresque traits, but the remaining episodes were love adven- tures verging on the tragic, the best being that celebrating Don Gutierre's devotion to Dofia Hortensia, Pindaro's own account of his almost fatal fascination by his mysterious neighbor, and the story of Anselmo and Estela. In these and in the history of Don Quevedo, far from there being anything picaresque, the manner was passionately serious and the influence of the Italian novelle frequently strong.^ The entire work was pervaded by an evident attempt to attain unity by completing the circle of events artistically, bringing back the threads of the story to their beginning and so improving immeasurably upon such formless fictions as EBtevanillo Gonzalez. The author had come to a consciousness of the real business of the 1 Indeed, Pindaro's adventure with the unknown lady is simply Massuccio's 2dth novella enlarged and improved. 876 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY story-teller, omitting moralization, and wherever he made a digression feeling the need of apolo- gizing for it, and in style and in the control of the action, his novel was one of the most polished and careful. Rather a mingling of the picaresque and the romantic types than either singly, it stood for the outgrowing of narrow conditions prescribed by the romances of roguery. ^ Similarly, \El siglo Pitag6rico y vida de Don Q-regorio Q-uadailoA stepped without the pica- resque circle although into the realm of fantasy^ instead of that of sentiment. Its author, Antonio Enriau«^6mez, bom in Segovia of Jewish Portuguese stock, but a refugee in France in 1638 and later burnt in eflSgy by the Inquisition, wrote several other works, including La culpa del 'primer peregrino of 1644, Luis dado de Dios the year following. La politica angSlica and La torre de Babilonia in 1647, as well as a religious nar- rative poem Sanson Ndzareno, and a miscellany Las academias morales de las Musas. The Siglo PitagMcOy published at Rouen in 1644 by Lau- rens Maurry, was a curious fiction, the object of which, according to G6mez's own statement, was to draw from a false theory a true doctrine. la DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 377 other words, adopting the scheme of the Pythag- orian metempsychosis, it was proposed to show, p in place of a picaro passing through service, a soul variously incarnated. Thus to the concep- tion of an unaltering rogue handed from master to master was added that of a soul which in a like round of transformations should gradually develop until finally attaining to virtue. The entire work was supposedly a vision, for the nar- rator during sleep is visited by Pythagoras, who bids him forsake his present body and seek another : — Tu vida btiscOy tu valor reforma, Libre del cuerpo estas, no del pecado, Busco otro nuevo, y purga lo passado. Thirteen detailed transmigrations and a number of lesser ones follow, described in essays in verse and in prose, some of them not unlike the English Books of Characters, although more animated in style. Each incarnation was closed with a dScima or a soneto explaining the transi- tion to the next; and the last short stanza of all, after the sleeper had seen himself become a righteous man, pictured him awaking and bidden by Pythagoras to search out virtue and 878 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY live within himself. In its relation to the ro- mance of roguery this work had a double sig- nificance, showing a fantastic phase of the Spanish scheme of the service of masters, and presenting besides in the fifth transmigration a fragmentary picaresque tale in prose, occupying more than a third of the book and entitled La vida de Don G-regorio QvAidafia. The name of ^ the anti-hero, Guadafia, or Falsehood, suffi- ciently indicates his character, and his direct dependence upon the romances of roguery was confessed in the flattering references made in the introduction to the Buscon, Picara Justina^ and Guzman de Alfarache; but the account of the life of Gregorio was exceedingly poor and abso- lutely without unity. The picaro relates the story of his birth in Triana, his mother a mid- wife, and his father a physician. His start in the world is made when he sets forth for Sala- manca and the university. At Carmona he meets a judge attended by his notary and alguar- zil; a lawyer bound for Madrid to reform legislation joins the party, which is presently reenforced by a coach-load of travellers, a friar, a sick soldier, a politician, a philosopher, and a lady with her charming niece. With the latter. DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 879 Do&a Beatriz, they all fall in love, and after Gregorio has doubtfully assisted the judge in rounding up two gentlemen sought for by jus- tice, and a philosophical academy has been held, the company leaves Carmona. In the Sierra Morena, joined by a poet, they are all robbed at an inn, but reach Madrid, where a relative of Gregorio induces him to dispense large sums in paying suit to a lady, Dofia Angelica. Quarrel- ing with an alguazil who steals his guitars, the adventurer takes summary vengeance upon him; and discovering the judge in an intrigue with Beatriz, he perplexes the community by stop- ping up their doorway with masonry over night. He gallants with the wife of an alguazil, and innocently tells the husband all about it, only to be jailed. He is concerned in a plot to way- lay the mid-wife of the Queen ; he is wounded, and in continual diiSculties, bribing off from prison, tricking a physician and the city authori- ties, until being pressed to fulfil his promise to wed Dofia Angelica, he refuses, and his soul is happily released to pass into a hypocrite. The tedious, trifling, discursive style, the lack of plan or invention, the coarseness, and the glar- ing faults of construction, are by no means com- 880 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY pensated for in the Scarronic skill with which a number of characters are handled together, or in the philosophizing. Somewhat allied in plan to the Sigh Pitagd- ricoj if not picaresque in matter, was the Tj^j^t^riq, moral del dios Momo of Benito RftniTgjn "NTpy- dejxs, piiBlisKeH^t" Madrid in 1666, and describ- ing the transmigrations of the mischief-working god Momus through different classes of society during his exile from heaven, each of his eighteen changes being accompanied by moral* ized illustrations. Noyden's aim, however, was to attack romance writing, and his book in this connection is of interest therefore only as an echo of the old method popularized by the romance of roguery. f In Luis Velez de Guevara's El diahlo ci^uelo^ novela de la otra vidaJraduzida d esta^ published in 1641 at TSIadrid, a satirical view of society was afforded by a different device still further removed from the picaresque procedure. Gue- vara's four hundred dramas, although they brought him fame as an early follower of Lope de Vega, scarcely secured the vogue of this single piece, slight by comparison, but be- queathed to general literature through the DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 381 rifacimento of LeSage. Don Cleofas, the stu- dent who, in eluding the pursuit of emis- saries of the wily Dofia Tomasa, takes refuge in the garret chamber of an astrologer and there releases from a phial the lame devil, has no need of serving various masters in order to view the interior workings of the households of Madrid. U^stead, the grateful diahlo cojuelo becomes his cicerone, magically unveiling the deceits of society in the ten trancos^ or strides through space, taken by the pair.) The human comedy is laid bare with the devil for showman and interpreter ; it is Mephistopheles and Faust with the tragedy left out. From the shop for providing ancestors at Madrid to the inn and its mad poet at Toledo, from the venta in the Sierra Morena where foreignera wrangle to the fenc- ing exhibition at Cordova recalling to Cleofas the BuBcon of Quevedo, from Carmona to Seville, flit the devil and his disciple. Rufina Marfa, the roguish hostess of the latter town, born in gypsy Triana, and therefore to be sus- pected of magic, aids the devil in showing to Cleofas in a mirror all that is happening at that moment in the Calle Mayor at Madrid, the King and the court passing in review. A 382 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY poetical academy is attended at Seville, and a sitting of the rogues' parliament, an obvious sou- venir of Cervantes' hampa of Monipodio. There, with a porter at the door to give warning of the approach of the enemy, are assembled the men- dicants,— Pi6 de palo the courteous, Morice- lago who begs of nights crying in the streets, Sopa en vino the drunkard, Faraon the rascal who sits at church-doors with painted sores, Paulina who curses those who refuse her, Galeona who hires children to demand charity, and all the rest, even to the so-called Duke with his rags and ridiculous airs. But when Cleofas as president of the poetical Academia Sevillana has delivered his set of satirical rules to be observed by the members, forbidding, for example, any poet to speak ill of another oftener than twice a week, and demanlding that com- edies concerning Moors be baptized within forty days or leave the kingdom, Dofia Tomasa and her bully appear in pursuit. The lame devil bribes their agent, the alguazil, so saving Cleofas, although himself summoned back to hell ; and Tomasa and the bully depart for the Indies, while Cleofas, undeceived with the world, returns to complete his studies at Alcala. ^ DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 388 When LeSage, in 1707, published his Biahle boiteuxy there was little in common between it and this work beyond the introduction and the general conceit. The 1726 additions from Francisco Santos, and the masked scandals of the French court, made a volume still more widely divergent from the Spanish original, with all the paraphernalia of incorporated novelas^ yet the fundamental idea was so much the most noteworthy part of the fiction that V^lez de Guevara's share in the composition \ has never been forgotten. ^..^^ Related to the other allegoric satires, and directly patterned upon the Suefio8^ was ^ jlemade^Pecby^eT^ printed in 1651. at Madrid, and written by Marcos Garcia, a sur- geon there. In a vision vouchsafed to the author in reading Quevedo, " nuestro grande Bin imitacidn^ y discreto sin lisonja^^^ he sees soldiers, students, and physicians, the folk of all classes scrambling to get on in the world, willing in their haste to employ fraud, but not content to travel the slow and sure road to success. The mythological Pedro Hernandez, a Spanish pro- verbial figure, noted for his listlessness, is called upon disdainfully by all the short-cut pre- 884 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY tenders, the poetic aspirant, for instance, when told that in order to succeed he must spend ten years in study, crying out, *'To Pedro Her- nandez with that phlegm, I expect to be a poet from this moment." So the lover who has had to wait a whole week before seeing his lady, exclaims, "iTw^^o de Di(?«upon this phlegm and whoever invented it." Thus in satirizing the little patience of the Spanish people and the consequent cheats and ruses resorted to in different professions, Garcia reviewed society somewhat after the picaresque scheme, and frequently regarded picaresque scenes. At the same time he struck at the very root of the picaresque in peninsular life, the ingrained contempt for toil and the readiness to seize prizes without having won them, — "A con- tagion," he has the cheating physician exclaim, " which has spread to many." The text of the whole book was " make haste slowly," — " Con- oacas lo8 dafios de la priesa^ y lo8 provechoa de la flema hien usada.^^^ 1 With the Flema and the Siglo PUagMco Llorente associ- ates the story, Don Baimundo el entremetido, printed at Al- caic by Antonio Duplastre, without date, but in 1627. Its author was Diego Toyar y Yalderrama, who wrote also the DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 385 Juan de Zavaleta, who in his Dia de fiesta por la maftana gave character sketches of the miser, the gallant, the glutton, the coquette, the poet, the hypocrite, and the rest, as found by the morning of the fiesta, and then in his Dia de fiesta por la turde^ as left at its close, did not attempt in his Vida del conde^ de Matisio of 1662 satiric observation, but turned to writing a novel, the hero of which was a sort of Robert the Devil. The scene is laid in France, near Lyons, and Ludovico, the only child of indul- gent parents, grows up with two pages, the good Mauricio and the bad Leonardo. Ludo- vico's earliest amusement consists in watching teeth pulled one by one from a fellow hired for the purpose ; and when his father dies he cashiers all the old servants, retaining, however, the pages and his tutor, against the virtue of InstittLciones politicas of 1646. The former three works, according to Llorente, were aimed against the gusto pica- resco. Don Raimundo seems to have been such a rogue and busy-body as the later Bigand, anti-hero of Za Mouche^ of 1736, by the Chevalier de Mouhy. The Spanish novel is short, and to-day rare, not being contained in any of the Paris libraries, nor in the British Museum, although a MS. copy of it is in the Bib. Nacional at Madrid. An extract from the preface, by Quevedo, is given in Ernest Merim^^s QuevedOt etc., Paris, 1886, p. 168. 2o 386 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY whose daughter he has designs. Leonardo, the wicked page, given the task of winning for his master this lady's favor, and failing, pre- tends to Ludovico that she will consent to anything, provided he first furnish her with a husband, who is promptly provided in the un- conscious Mauricio. After Ludovico and Leo- nardo in Paris have led a dissolute life, the count returns to his estate, robs a church of its treasure, and attempting to put into execution his plot with regard to the bride of Mauricio, discovers the perfidy of Leonardo, whom he kills. Then, kidnapping both Mauricio and the lady, he binds the husband where he can overlook the entertainment prepared for his bride ; but, heaven fortunately interfering, the villain hears himself irresistibly summoned, and on the very spot where Mauricio had demanded justice, Ludovico is enveloped in a black cloud and vanishes. This mystical climax and the entire story were unpicaresque enough, and the book was in the spirit of an expanded Italian novella^ lacking humor and imagination; yet it indicated an endeavor to overpass the bounds of the romance of roguery, although by insisting so violently upon the moral obliquity of the V DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 387 anti-hero it made him a monster unreal and repugnant. In English fiction precisely the same step was taken in Dr. John Moore's Zeluco of 1786, and in that case, on the author's own confession, the moral aim was responsible for the exclusion of comedy and the central figure's consequent transformation from a rogue to a villain. " If the hero of a romance," said Dr. Moore, referring to his own novel and to Smollett's Ferdinand Count Fathom^ "is described devoid of principle, and perfidious, the more detestable he is made in all other respects, the better will the work serve the pur- pose of morality," ^ — a plan fruitful perhaps in edification, but barren certainly for art. At all events, through the intrusion of roman- \ / tic, fantastic, or moral motives, the picaresque Y novel in Spain lost its original character. Of the later tale-writers, Francisco Santos . alone was endowed with satirical power and observa- tion sufficient to continue the type had it seemed worth while. Though he attempted in most of his works the ironic allegory, as in I ^ A View of the Commencement and Progress o/Bomance I in Vol. L of The Works of T. Smollett . . . Edited by John Moore ... 8 vols., London, 1797. 888 ROMANCES OF BOGUEBY HI diablo anda suelto of IGTT, and HI verdad en el potro y el Cid^resUscitado of two years later, it was only in his early Dia y noche de Madrid^ and in the Periquillo that the traditional pica- resque manner was at all retained. ^ Even the Day and Night in Madrid of 1663 was a fiction not unlike the Limping Devil in construction, although shorn of the fantastic element. Ono- fre, a Neapolitan, arriving in Spain after having been freed from Algerine captivity, and desirous of viewing the Spanish capital, is led about by Juanillo, a child of the people, well qualified by his roguish experience to explain the myste- ries of the town. A mere panorama succeeds, with Juanillo as expositor, until Onofre in his wanderings chances upon a burning house, from which he rescues a lady whose rich father in gratitude bestows her, together with an 1 Santos' other works, El sastre del campillo, El escandalo del mundo y piedra de la justicia, El rey gallo y discursos de la hormiga, El vivo y el defunto, and El area de Nbe y cam- pana de Belilla, etc., may best be consulted in his Obras en prosa y verso, Madrid, 1723, 4 vols. His influence was slight abroad, although his Descripcion breve del monasterio de S. Lorenzo el real del Escorial, of 1657, was Englished by *' A Servant of the Earl of Sandwich" in 1671, and re- appeared in 1760 as translated by G.' Thompson. DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 389 adequate dowry, upon the gallant adventurer. Narrated in eighteen diacursos^ this fiction em- braced the story of Onofre himself, related at the end of the book on the eve of his marriage, and the story of Juanillo told at its beginning on his meeting Onofre. Here and in the main body of the work, devoted to satire and ob- servation, the picaresque influence was strong. Juanillo was born in Madrid in poverty, and commenced life by begging. Left to his own devices at ten, he learned reading from a kind clerk, and took to collecting wax from burnt candles on altars. A water-carrier frightened him off from this lucrative employment, wishing to appropriate it himself, and Juanillo passed to the service of a priest. • Running away and roving the fields, a mendicant on crutches in- troduced him to others of the fraternity, and he became the boon comrade of another boy, stolen in infancy. Developing some scruples as to the begging trade, to get on in which he must feign lameness, Juanillo finally declared his preference for seeming what he really was, — simple,— and so turned poor philosopher. In the shifting street-scenes through which he leads Onofre, a rapid study of manners in the spirit of the i 390 ROMANCES OF BOGUEBT romances of roguery was given, from the cheats of coquettes at the bull-fight, an incident bor- rowed in the Diable boiteux^ to the old Eidenr Spiegel trick of a boy being defrauded out of his mule by a picaro who takes it and pretends that a surgeon will pay for it as soon as he is at leisure, the surgeon having been previously in- formed that the boy wishes to speak to him regarding a malady.^ Blind men praying at the foot of the gallows, rogues with bloody rags crouching at the church-door, vaientones de mentira making a show of fighting, the gossip- ing crowd about a fountain where aguadores are drawing water, a midwife called out on a false summons only to be robbed, — all these and more were presented in lifelike vignettes. Five years after this essay, when Santos had given in the interval his allegoric satires, — Las tarascas de Madrid y tribunal espantosoy and Los gigantones de Madrid par defuera^ as well as the poems of Cardeno Liro^ alma sin erepusculo^ y Madrid llarandoy — he brought 1 One of the most frequent jests in picaresque fiction, the 1st of Sozzini, the 2d of the 13th Night of Straparola, and in most of the English jest-books and evezy conny-catching pamphlet. DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 391 out the novel, Periguillo of the Poultry-yard. Periquillo is a foundling cared for by a pious pair, and diligent in his studies until forced to enter service with a woman of the neigh- borhood, a dealer in poultry, whence his nick- name. After another servant from envy has sought to injure him with his mistress, who discovers the cheat, she falls in love with him, but, at his rejection of her proposals, pretends that he is the offender, — a passage closely parallel to Joseph Andrew's adventure with Lady Booby. Periquillo is next accom- modated as servant to a kindly man who wishes to make the boy his son rather than his lackey; but the design is opposed by the gentleman's wife, who suspects Periquillo to be her lord's son already. A third master for the adventurer is found in a blind man, to whom satirically he explains all that he sees. ^^ And as I have heard that it is a great life to be a picaro, I have become one," Periquillo declares, although presently he determines to leave the guiding of the blind to Lazarillos and Alfaraches, and installs himself with a new master. Well treated, but obliged to as- sist in systematic thieving from houses into 892 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY which agents are hired as domestics, Periquillo decamps, and in his roaming is beset in the mountains by three outlaws, each of whom re- lates the story of his life. Periquillo having been persuaded to join them, all are captured after a robbery, from which, however, he is exculpated by the others, and sets out afoot for his own country disillusionized. Greeted by crowds of children crying, "J.Z loco! al locoT'* he is regarded half as fool, half as sage, and, supported by charity, goes about rebuking everybody fearlessly from the stable- boy, anxious to be called hidalgo, to his own rich patron, addressing whom he says: "You adorn my body, who do not adorn your soul." Periquillo, dispensing allegories and sermons, comes to his end surrounded by admirers and praying devoutly. "And thus," concludes the author, "expired he who gave me material to write this book, this example of the world, this man who knew himself, rich in poverty, — Peri- quillo^ 41 de las gallinerasy While the merit of the fiction was slight enough, yet as the last expression of a once popular type it was significant. The roguish- ness in the central character had disappeared, DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 393 but the cycle of events and the service of masters remained. The three novelas^ included as related by the outlaws, were merely tragic and romantic episodes, and digressions in anec- dotes were frequent throughout, after the man- ner of the Alonso mofo de muchos amos. From the latter, indeed, was taken direct the fable of the lion whose breath was complained of by the lioness seeking a divorce.^ That the story of Periquillo had a shadow of liistorical basis, the address to the reader confessed, referring to a rogue well known in Madrid between the years 1636 and 1640, called Alonsillo SI de las gallinerai ; but Periquillo had need of no such parentage. He was of the same literary family as the Cefiudo of Salas Barbadillo, or Santos' own Juanillo, a popular hero dowered with worldly wisdom and a sharp tongue, all the more effective because of their possessor's mas- querade as a fool. Bahalul or Al Megnum, the jester of Haroun Alraschid, was his distant ancestor, while Heinrich Steinhowel's German Hf^ of j^sop in the fifteenth century had cele- brated a similar character, and the translation there in 1490 of Diogenes Laertius farther ex- 1 Periquillo, 6, and Alonso, I., 9. 304 BOBiANCBS OF EOOUERT tended the vogue of this type of plodding, satiric philosopher.- Diogenes, indeed, seems all along to have been regarded as a kind of elder brother, to the picaro, and Boileau even proclaimed his intention of writing a life of him to rival the picaresque novels and to be "of the most perfect roguery, much more pleasing, and much more original than that of Lazarillo de Tormes and Guzman de Al- farache."^ Such a cynic was Periquillo, heir of the picaros of old, but rather tedious than amusing. He went through the same vicissi- tudes as they, but only mechanically. All the vitality was gone out of him, for in Spain the romance of roguery had lived its day and fulfilled its mission. r \l Beginning as a collection of jests, and in its 1 restriction to actuality opposed to idealistic ; fiction, the picaresque novel had come to absorb ; the talent for observation of a people gifted in satire, and striving manfully against social and political decadence. As a literary form it had ; been refined from its first crude, haphazard detailing of manners to a study of roguery in an anti-hero gradually emerging from his 1 Bolcmna^ Amsterdam, 1742, 12°, p. 41. DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 396 deeds ; and if it failed to attain to an actual study of character, at least it made manifest the importance of the personal interest on the one hand, and inaugurated the careful scrutiny of common conditions on the other. Then^ when all that was fresh, picturesque, and original in national scenes of low life had found presentation, and the picaro himself, from the frequency of his appearance, had lost charm, the decline of the romance of roguery was / immediate and inevitable. Its possibilities, however, transcended those that were realized in the Peninsula. By adopt- ing the same procedure, the literary artist in France, in Germany, in Holland, or in England, could satirize the manners of his own country, pouring new wine into old bottles. Moreover, beyond differences in the mere subject-matter, the general evolution of fiction as an art was bound later and elsewhere to modify this genre. The rogue of eighteenth-century England could not be dealt with as had been the rogue of six- teenth or seventeenth century Spain, for the slow but sure individualization of the central figure developed for him finally a definite char- acter of more moment than any of his actions. ij 396 ROMANCES OF ROGUERY /And if in France was best exemplified the sub- ordination of observation and intrigue to the personal interest, in England occurred the sup- planting of the personal by the deeper interest of morals and of character. The cheats by degrees cut less and less of a figure, and the cheater a larger, their ingenuity ceasing to be an essential feature. Not the cleverness but the emotional and moral quality of the action predominated, and with the unfolding of the interest in character, the scene of conflict was shifted to the conscience. The old expedient of making the anti-hero conscienceless because young was partially exhausted, and less regu- larly could indulgence be urged for him on that score. Instead, the fatalism consequent upon his genesis from events became more marked, necessity was his plea, and the force of environment and up-bringing his principal excuse for roguery, although the enlistment of sympathy with him as a child was often yet retained to advantage. Finally, his life, clos- ing hitherto without inward condemnation, could no longer end in prosperous reform, or the restraint brought by lack of opportunity. The awakened ethical sense demanded positive DECADENCE OF THE PICARESQUE NOVEL 397 repentance, and the rogue stood forth at last transformed from a witty, humorous creature to a sinner, truer to all the laws of life, if less entertaining. Such was the picaro's destiny, and Spain, long after the coming of sterility for herself, could ^tness the multiplication of her literary de- scendants abroad. In a right line they led through the perfected novel of manners to the modern novel of character, and the talent for observation that at the Renaissance had been the inheritance of anti-heroes alone, came at length to be shared by heroes as well, proving, with the attention bestowed upon character, their best title to reforming fiction. Rogues in letters could and did arise independent of Spanish influence, suggested by the rogues of actuality always present and always interest- ing ; but with very few exceptions, those that count for anything in the development of romance bear unmistakable token of kinship to the picaros of Spain. A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SPANISH ROMANCES OF ROGUERY 1554-1668 AND THEIR TRANSLATIONS [This bibliography does not pretend to be ezhAnstive, bat it does seek to note all significant and most early editions of the works considered. Modern editions find a place here only when for some particular reason it seemed best to name them. Capitals, italics, and the alignment are indicated, yignettes are shown by the sign v, and libraries by obvious abbre- Tiations.] 1554. Editio Princeps. (So far as known) La vida de Lazarillo | de Tormes : y de sus | f ortunas y aduer|sidades.| 1554. (Page enclosed in scrolls and adorned with figures.) The colophon reads: Impresso en Burgos en | casa de Jaan de Junta. Ano de | mil y quinientos y cinquen- 1 ta y quatro Alios. | 48 ff. Sm. 8vo. Unique exemplar at Chatsworth House; but see re- print in 1897, by H. Butler Clarke (250 copies), as Laza- rillo de Tormes con/orme d la edicim de 1554» Oxford, B. H. Blackwell, 16mo. 1554. AlcaU La vida de Lazarillo de | Tormes i y de sus f ortunas : y | adaersidades. Nuevamente impressa, i corregida, y de nuevo afiadi- 1 da en esta segiida im- 1 pression. | Yendense 300 400 BIBLIOGRAPHY en Alcala de Henares, en | casa d Salzedo Librero. Ado| de M.D. LIIII. I 46 ff. Colophon reads : Fue Impressa esta presente | obra en Alcala de Henares en casa | de Salzedo Librero i a veynte | y seis de Febrero i de Mil | y Quinientos i y Cin- 1 quanta i y quatro Anos. | (Figures and motto, Pacientia yincit malicia.) B. Letter. (Butler Clarke.) 1554. Antwerp LA VIDA DE I LAZARILLO DE \ Tormes, y de BUS for-\tunas y aduer-\8idades,\ v (Pietas Homini Tutis- sima Virtus) (ScroU and stojrks.) | EN AN VERS, | En casa de Martin Nucio. \ 1554. | Con PreuUegio Imperial. \ 48 ff. Privilege for five years signed Facuwes. (Br. Mus., and Ticknor Coll.) 1555. Anonymous SequeL Editio Princeps LA SEGVN-IDA PARTE DE LAZA-|R1LL0 DE TORMES : Y I de sus fortunas y ad-|uersidades | v (As above.) EN ANVERS | En casa de Martin Nucio, a la I en-|se£La de las dos Ciguenas.| M.D. LV.| Con Preui- legio Imperial. \ 69 f[. (misnumbered). Privilege for four years. 1555. Second Antwerp Edition of Part One La vida de Laza-|RILLO DE TORr|MES, Y DE SVS FOR- 1 tunas, y aduersi-ldades.l {• | EN ANVERS, En / el Vnicomio dorado, en ca-|sa de GuiUermo Simon. | M.D.L.V.I 94 ft. (72d duplicated). 12mo. 1555. Second Edition of Part Two LA SEGVN-IDA PARTE DE LAZA-|RILLO DE TORMES, Y I de sus fortunas, y ad- 1 uersidades. I v EN BIBLIOGRAPHY 401 ANVERS, I and as above, adding Con Priuilegio Imperial. 12mo. 83 ff. (Salv^O 1573. Expurgation LAZARILLO | DE TORMES | Castigado. | v (con descuy do— Mercury's rod). IMPRESSO CON LICENl cia, del Consejo de la santa In-|quisicion, | Y con preui- legio de »u Magestad, para los \ reynos de Castillo y Ara- gon. This is included in the Propoladia of Bartolome de Torres Naharro " Impresso CON LICEN | cia, etc. . . . | En Madrid, por Pierres Cosin. | M.D.LXXIII." The Lazarillo begins on f. 373, extending through f. 417. Approvals Aug. 21 and 5, 1573. The Castigado, or expurgated version, is also printed with Gracian Dantisco*s Galateo Espanol and the Destierro de la ignorancia, Madrid, 1599, 12nio, Luis Sanchez; Medina del Campo, Christoval Lasso Yaca, 1603; Madrid, Andres Garcia de Iglesia, 1664. Out of Spain it appeared at Rome, Antonio Facchetto, 1600, published by Pedro de Robles, dedicated to the Duque de Sesa, Spanish ambassador at the Pontifical Court; and in Spain it was published as late as 1831, Madrid, 12mo. Other early editions of Lazarillo in Spanish are 1586, Tarragona; 1587, Milan, the 1st and 2d parts (ad in- stanza de Antono (sic) de Antoni — Por lacobo Maria Meda. Dedication dated Dec. 20, 1586) ; 1595, Antwerp, Ist part with chap, on Germans — En la oficina Plantini- ana, and there again in 1602 ; 1597, Bergemo (dedication Apr. 29, 1597), a reprint of Milan edition and by Antoni; 1599, Caragocja, Juan Perez de Valdiuielso, 1st part, omit- ting chap, on Germans ; 1607, AlcaU ; 1615, Milan ; 1626, 2d 402 BIBLIOGRAPHY Lisboa, Antonio Alvarez, 1st part omitting chap, on Ger- mans ; etc., etc. " VaUadolid, 1603 ; Lerida, 1612," are cited by Branet. In 1722, 1728, 1746 at Madrid ; 1769, Valencia ; and 1796 in Barcelona, Lazarillo was printed with the Galateo Espanol. [To avoid confusion in dealing with translations of the Lazarillo the 1620 sequel is treated here, and not in its chronological place.] 1620. Luna^s Emendation and Sequel "Vida de Lazarillo de Tonnes," etc., as below. En Paris, Rolet Bovtonne, MDXX (1620). 5 ff . + 120 pp. Then, Segvnda parte, de la vida de Lazarillo de Tormes. Sacada de las Coronicas antiguas de Toledo. Por I. de Lvua, Paris, Rolet Bovtonne, M.DC.XX. 12mo. 5 ff . + 168 pp. (Br. Mus.) The same, 1620, Zarago^a, por Pedro, Destar ; and there again as VIDA DE| LAZARILLO | DE TORMES. | CORREGIDA, Y EMENDADA | Por H. DE LVNA Castellano {sic), \ Interprete de la lengua | Espanola. | •*• En Zarago^a, | POR PEDRO DESTAR, a los Senales | del Feniz. | M.DC.LIL | 6 ff. + 120 pp. 12mo. And the 2d part with 6 ff. + 168 pp., presumably a French forgery. (Bibl. Nat.) Modern editions in Spanish of one or another of the parts : Vida de L. de T., Cotejada con los mejores exem- plares y corregida por J. J. Keil, Gotha, C. Stendel, 1810. 8vo. (1st part + chap, on Grermans.) So also La vida de L. de T. . . . Burdeos, P. Beaume, 1816. 12mo. La vida de L. de T., nueva edicion de lujo, aumentada con dos segundas partes. . . . Madrid, P. Mora y Soler, BIBLIOGRAPHY 403 1844-5. 8vo. (The 3 parts.) At Paris, Bandry, 1847, 8yo, the three parts appeared together. A modem Por- tuguese version, made through the French, reads, Aven- turas maravilhosas de Lazarilho de Tormes, extrahidas das antigas chronicas de Toledo, por G. F. Grandmaison y Bruno. Traduzidas da lingua franceza. Paris, J. P. Aillaud, 1838. 18mo. (1st and Luna's 2d part.) FRENCH 1561. Saugrain's Version of Part One L'HISTOIRE I PLAISANTE ET I FACETIEVSE DV I Lazare de Tormes | Espagnol. | EN LAQVELLE ON PEVLT\ Recongnoisire bonne pariie des meurSy vie \ if conditions des Espagnolz, | v (motto — BENEDICES | CORONAE ANNI | BENIGNIT ATIS | TV^ | PSALM. 64. I) A PARIS, I Pour Ian Longis Sf Robert le Mang- nier LibraireSy en \ leur boutique au Palais, en la gallerie par ou \onvaa la Chancellerie. | A VEC PRIVILEGE. | 60 pp. Sm. 8vo. Privilege to Vincent Sertenas for six years, from April 24, 1561. Dedication AV VERTVEVX, ET TRES Honorable Seigneur, le Seigneur Sebastie de Honoratis, lean Saugrain salut & felicity perpetuelle. Story printed with occasional rubrics in 31 chapters, the last, ** De Tamitie que Lazare eut a Tolette auec certains AUemans, & de ce que luy aduint auec eux." (Bibl. de PArsenal.) 1594. Second Edition in French of Part One " Histoire plaisante, f acetieuse, et recreative ; du Lazare de Tormes Espagnol," etc. Anvers, Guislain Jansens, 1594. 16mo. Licensed, Sept. 30, 1593. (1st part only.) 404 BIBLIOGRAPHY HISTOIRE I PLAISANTE,! FACETIEVSE, ET RE-| CREATIVE ; DV LAZA- | re de Tormes Espagnol : | En laquelle V esprit melancolique se peut re-lcreer Sf prendre plaisir: \ Augment^e de la seconde partie, nou- 1 velle- ment traduite de TEspagnol | en Fran9oi8. | A ANVERS, | Chez Guislain lansens. | 1598 | 126 pp. 16mo. (Bod- leian.) Separate title for second part : 1598. First French of 1555 Sequel LA n. Partie I DES FAICTS | MERVEILLEVX | DV LAZARE DE | Tormes : | Et de ses fortunes & aduersitez. Nouvellement traduite de i'Espagnol \ en Francois: \ Par lean vander meeren, d'Anvers. | EN ANVERS, I Chez Guislain lansens. | 1598. pp. 126- 308 + 4 pp. 16mo. Approvals May 4, 1598, and Sept. 22, 1598. (Bodleian.) 1601. Spanish and French Versions LA I VEDA DE LAZARIL- | LO DE TORMES. | Y de sus fortunas y aduersidades. | LA | VIE DE LAZA- RILLE I DE TORMES, | Et de ses fortunes & aduersitez. | TRADVCTION NOVVELLE, \ Raportee Sf conferee avec Vespagnoly \ Par P. B. Parisien. | A PARIS, | Par NICOLAS & PIERRE BON- 1 FONS, en leur boutique, au quatries- 1 me pillier de la grand' Salle du Palais. | 1601 I Atiec Priuilege du Roy, | 238 pp. 12mo. Double columns; French on left, Spanish on right. Trans- lator states that he has been served occasionally by the "ancien traducteur de cette mesme oeuvre." (Bibl. Nat.) The same. Par M. P. B. P. A PARIS, Par Nicolas Bonfons, 1609. 12mo. BIBLIOGRAPHY 405 The same, ParM. P. B. P. •; | A PARIS, | Chez IE AN CORROZET, dans la | Cour du Palais, au pied des degrez | de la saincte Chappelle. | M.DC.Xy. | 12mo. The same. \ Chez ADRIAN TIFFAINE, rue des | deux portes k Tlmage nostre Dame. | M.DC.XYI. | 12mo. 1620. The same with Luna's Part Two in French The same, Chez ROLET BOVTONNfi, au Pa- | lais, en la gallerie des prisonniers, | pres la Chancellerie. | M.D.XX (.91 c, 1620), A vec Priuilege du Roy. \ 12mo. To- gether with the SECONDE PARTIE | DE LA VIE DE I LAZARILLE | DE TORMES. | TIREE DES VIELLES I Chroniques de Tolede. \ Traduicte nouuelle- ment d'Espagnol|en Fran9ois, par L. S. D. | etc. 6 ff . + 288 pp. (Reprinted in 1623.) The initials, L. S. D., stand for Le Sieur D'Audigiuer. The translator of the first part is usually supposed to be Pierre D'Audiguier, Vital's nephew, with whom Vital himself is often con- fused. (See Brunet; Michaud, Biographie universelle; etc.) 1657. French Verse LA VIE I DE I LAZARILLE | DE TORMES, | SES FORTVNES, ET SES | ADVERSITEZ, | TRADVITE EN VERS FRANCOIS | PAR LE SIEVR DE B*** V I A PARIS, I Chez LOVIS CHAMHOVDRY, au Pa- lais, vis k vis | la Sainte Chappelle, k Tlmage Saint Louis. | M.DC.LIILI AVEC PRIVILEGE DU ROY.\ 3ff.+ 170 pp. 4to. Priv., Sept. 22, 1653 ; acheve d'imprimer Sept. 25, 1653. (Bibl. Nation ale.) A rare book. In 8 syllabled couplets and in 8 chants ; the 1st pt. of Laza- rillo with the chapter on the Germans, promising a second and a third part ** Si ces Rimes se vendent." 406 BIBLIOGRAPHT Other early editions of Lazarillo in French^ 1649, Lyon, Bachelu (Luna's); 1660, Paris, Cotinet (Luna's); 1678, Paris, Barbin (trans, by I'abb^ de Cbames) ; 1697, Lyon, Yiret; 1698, Bruxelles, Geo. de Backer, reprinted in 1701 and after. The Abb^ de Chames' unfaithful ver- sion reappeared at Paris, 1817, 12mo, with the old title Aventures et espiegleries de LazarUlo de Tormes. See new translation, Vie de L. de T. Traduction nouvelle et preface de A, Morel Fatio, Paris, H. Launette & Cie. 1886, 8yo. (Ist Pt. + Chap, on Germans.) ENGLISH 1568. Licensed " The marvelus Dedes and the lyf of Lazaro de Tor- mes," licensed in the Stationers' Registers to Thomas Colwell for viij d, the 4th entry of year, 22 July 1568- 22 July 1569. 1576 << The Pleasant History, etc. (as below). Imprinted at London by Henrie Binneman, dwellyng in Knyght-rider Streete, at the sygne of the Marmayde. 1576. 8yo." Bagford Collections (Harl. MS. 5910), and Harleian Cat. Sought in vain by bibliographers, according to Hazlitt. But Bagford's description makes it tally with following: 1586 The Pleasaunt | Historie of Lazarillo de | Tormes a Spaniardey where-lia is conteined his mar-} veUous deedes and life.\ With the straunge 2A-\%Lenture8 happened to him I in the seruice of ^xmr\drie Ma8ter8,\ Drawen out of Spanish by Da-| uid Rouland of Anglesey.] Accuerdo, BIBLIOGRAPHY 407 Oluid.\ IT Imprinted at London | by Ahell leffes, dwell- ing in the I fore streete without Crepell | gate nere Groube streete | at the signe of the Bell. | 1586. | 64 ff. A to Hg in 8 s. 8vo. Ends with the birth of Lazarillo's daughter, after his friendship with "certain high Dutchmen." Dedication to the "right WorshipfuU Sir Thomas Gres- sam Knight" At end, verses by G. Turbeuile, gent. (Bodleian and Br. Mus.) The same. LONDON | Printed by Abell lefEes, dwell- ing in the Blacke | Fryers neere Puddle Wharf e. | 1596. | A to H4 in 4 s. 1596. First English of 1555 Sequel The most Pleasant and delectable Historic of Lazarillo de Tormes, a Spanyard; And of his marvellous Fortunes and Aduersities. The second part translated out of Spanish by W. P. (histon). Printed at London, by T. C. (Thomas Churchyard) for John Oxenbridge, dwelling in Panics Church-yard at the Signe of the Parrot. 1596. A to J^ in 4 s, 4to. A dedication by Oxenbridge to " my verie good friend, Maister Jonas Tirill of Burstow." (Bod- leian, lacking title-leaf, and Br. Mus. — Grenville.) It is noteworthy that Thomas Middleton's "Blurt, Master Constable," printed for Henry Rockytt, 1602, 4to, contains a character Lazarillo de Tormes, who, however, bears no resemblance to his Spanish prototype. 1622. First English of Luna's Sequel " The Pursuit of the Historic of Lazarillo de Tormes. By Jean de Luna, London, 1622. 8vo." (Watt, Hazlitt, and Lowndes.) Editions of 1631 and 1655, both London, 8vo, are noted by Hazlitt. I have been unable to see any 408 BIBLIOGRAPHY of these, but the " Pursuit *' was undoubtedly that pub- lished with the first part in 1624, 1639, 1653, and in 1669-70, as noted below. Luna, in 1622, had '' Dialogues in Spanish, with the English Version, by J. W." 8vo. And in 1623, a "Short and Compendious Art for to learn to Read, Write, Pronounce, and Speak the Spanish Tongue." 4to. 1639 "The Pleasant History of Lazarillo de Tormes. . . . Drawne out of Spanish by David Rowland of Anglesey. . . . Printed by E. G. for William Leake 1639, with the Pursuit of the Historie of Lazarillo de Tormes ... by Jean de Luna. ... 2 vols, in 1, 12mo." (Noted in Bernard Quaritch's Bibliotheca hispana, 1895, p. 76.) Quaritch says that Luna's dedication in Spanish "con- tains an assertion that it was he who had caused the book to be translated into English. This dedication is ad- dressed to Robert Car, Earl of Ancram. The translator (?) J. W. dedicated the second part to Lord Strange, Albert Stanley, and Anne Carre." The edition of both parts, in 1624, 8vo, was doubtless like the above, which Collier calls the third. The 1653 edition, by WiUiam Leake, resembled it except that the dedication was to George Lord Chandos, Baron of Sude- ley, and signed by James Blakeston, the supposed trans- lator, as below (A to Y in 8 s). There was also a 1655 edition of both parts, London, R. Hodgkins, 12mo. 1669-70. Blakeston's Version with Luna's Part Two. LAZARILLO, I OR, | The Excellent History | OF | LAZARILLO de TORMES, | The witty Spaniard. | Bath Part8,\ The first translated by | David Rowland, BIBLIOGRAPHY 409 and the second ga- 1 ther'd out of the Chronicles | of Toledo, by lean de Luna a Ca-|stilian, and done into | English by the Same Author. I Accuerdo, Oluido,\ London. Printed by B, G. for William \ Leake, at the Crown in Fleet street, be-|twixt the two Temple-gates, 1669. | B2 to Kg in 8 s. The Dedication to George Lord Chandos, Baron of Sudeley, is signed by James Blakeston, who claims to have found the unexpurgated original during his "late abode in Toledo," and to have sought now " to help Lazaro out of worse hands than any of his seven masters." Part Two has separate title page thus : THE I PURSUIT I OF THE | HISTORY | OF | Lazarillo De Tormes,\ Gathered out of the anci-| ent Chronicles of TOLEDO.] By Jean de Luna, a Castilian: | and now done into English, and set | forth by the same Authour. | LONDON, I printed for William Leake, 1670. | L to Yg in 8 s. (Br. Mus.) Carta dedicatoria in both is the same and in Spanish. Nine quatrains in conclusion " To the Publishers," etc., signed T. P., and a certificate in Spanish from Jean de Luna attesting genuineness of the version. The Death and Testament of Lazarillo promised in all of these failed to appear, but instead an account of Lazarillo's son was issued in the following: 1688. Rifacimento THE I Pleasant Adventures | OF THE | WITTY SPANIARD, I Lazarillo de Tormes,\ Of his Birth and education : Of | his arch Tricks in the Service of the | Blind Man, the Priest, the Squire, and | several others; Of his dining with Duke Humphrey, &c. Of his Voyage | to the Indies, \ his Shipwrack, and of his | being taken out of the Sea, and shown | for a Monstrous Fish : And lastly, 410 BIBLIOGRAPHY Of his turning Hermit, and writing these | Memoirs.] Being all the true Remains of that so much \ admired Author.] To which is added, | The Life and Death of Young Lazarillo, | Heir Apparent to Old Lazarillo de Tormes : By which it plainly appears, that the Son | would have far exceeded the Father in Inge- | nuity, had he not come to an untimely End | in a House-of'Office,\ LONDON, Printed by J. Leake, and sold by | most Booksellers in London and Westminster, | MDCLXXXVIIL | front. + 6 ff. + 204 pp. 12mo. (Bodleian.) Part One of the original is fairly followed, though compressed. Luna's sequel is used and altered, but the Life and Death of Young Lazarillo is merely a steal from other picaresque works, mostly English, "All the Gus- manick, Busconick, Scarronick Writers agree," says the author, "that Lazarillo had a son." — He kills geese with a string and bullet, glues the eyelids of a sleeping girl, and ties a pot to a jack-weight as in the English Rogue, The Buscon*s playing King of the Schoolboys is repeated here, — etc., etc.; but the story is without merit. Among the many other English editions may be men- tioned those of 1672 and 1677, 8vo ; that of 1708, 8vo ; and the Life and adventures of Lazarillo de Tormes (2nd edit.) London, 1726, 12mo, J. Bonwick and R. Wilkin ; the 19th corrected edition from the French of Abb^ de Charnes, London, 1777, 12mo, S. Bladon; Life, etc., London, 1789, 12mo, J. Bell — etc., etc., and of modem English versions that of Thomas Roscoe in his Spanish Novelists, 1832 (1st Pt. and chap, on Germans) reappearing as the Life and Adventures of Lazarillo de Tormes, tr. from the Spanish by Thomas Roscoe (with Life and ad- ventures of Guzman d'Alfarache, or the Spanish rogue. BIBLIOGRAPHY 411 by Mateo Aleman. From the French ed. of Le Sage, by J. H. Brady). London, 1881 (1880), 8vo, 2 vols. DUTCH 1579. Anonymous "De ghenuechlijke ende cluchtighe historie van Laza- rus van Tornies wt Spaiugen ; in de welcke ghij eensdeels meucht sien ende leeren kennen de manieren, condicien, zeden ende schalckheyt der Spaingnaerden. Nu eerst nieuwelijcx int licht brocht ende overgheset in onse taele. Te Delft bij Niclaes Pieterssen, ende men vintse te coope t'Antwerpen bij HeyndrickHeydricseninde Leliebloeme." 1579. 12mo. [Noted by Ten Brink — Eene studie over den Hollandschen schelmenroman, etc.j Rotterdam, 1885, 8vo.] 't WONDERLYK | Leben i klugtige Daden i en dap- 1 pre Schimp^rnst. I VAN \ LAZARUS van TORMES.| Nieuwelijcks uit het Spaans in beknopt Duits, \ Door D. D. H ARVY vertaalt. | v (QVOS ASPICET FOVET.) | Tot VTRECHT, I Dit de Boek-winkel van Simon de Vries,| ANNO M.DC.LIIL | 12mo. 312 pp. (Br. Mus.) Het leven, de lotgevallen en guitenstukken van den kleinen Lazarus van Tormes. . . . Uit het Spaansch vertaald door I. P. Arend. Amsterdam, J. J. Abbink, 1824. 12mo. Etc., etc. (Br. Mus.) GERMAN 1617. Vlenhurt's Version ** Zwo Kurtzweilige, lustige, vnd lacherliche Historien, Die Erste,von Lazarillo de Tormes, einem Spanier, was fUr 412 BIBLIOGRAPHY Herkomens er gewesen, wo vnd was fiir abenthewrliche Possen, er in seiiien Herrendiensten getriben, wie es jme auch darbey, bisz er geheyrat, ergangen, vnnd wie er letstlich zu etlichen Teutschen in Kundschafft gerathen. Ausz Spanischer Sprach ins Teutsche gantz trewlich transferirt. Die ander .... etc. (Cervantes' Rinconete y Cortadillo) Durch Niclas Vlenhart beschriben. Gre- druckt zu Augspurg, durch Andream Aperger, In verle- gung Niclas Hainrichs. M.DC.XVn. | 8 ff . + 389 pp. + 3 pp. 8vo." (Goedeke, Grundriss, etc.) An edition, Niirnberg, bey Mich. Endter, 1656. 8yo, etc 1624 " Historien von L. de T. einem Spanier, was fUr wun- derliche bossen er in seinem Leben veriibet, vnd wie es jhm dabey ergangen. Leiptzig bey Mich. Wachsman, 1624. 8vo. Draudiusl625 — 3, 623." 1627 Historien | Yon Lazarillo | de Tormes, einem stolzen | Spanier : was fur wunderliche i sel- 1 tzame vnd aben- thewrliche Ding I er in seinem | Leben vnd Herrendien- sten verubet i Vnd wie es ihme | darbey bisz er geheyrathet ergangen i Auch wie er letzt-| lichen mit etlichen Teutschen in Kundschaft ge- 1 rahten i vnd was sich nach abscheid dersel- 1 ben mit ihme zugetragen. | Zu mancherley bericht sehr lustig | zu lesen. | Ausz Spanisch in Teutsch vbersetzt.| Mehr etliche auszerleszne schone | Gleich- nussen i vnd Reden grosser | Potentaten vnd Herzen. | •> Erstlich gedruckt zu Augspurg i durch | Andream Aper- ger I I 1627. 1 6 jff. H- 130 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) A pleasant gossiping preface; and the main work in 28 chapters, quite faithfully rendered. BIBLIDGRAPHY 413 Lebens-Beschreibung des Lazarillo . . . aus dem Italian- ischen (of Barezzo Barezzi) ubersetzt von Araldo. Frey- burg, 1701, 12mo, etc., etc.; and so recently as Der erste Schelmenroman, Lazarillo de Tormes. Herausgegeben von Wilhelm Laufer, 1889, Stuttgart, J. G. Cotta, 16mo. ITALIAN 1622. Barezzi's Second Edition of Part One IL I PICARIGLIO I C ASTIGLIANO, | Cio^ | LA VITA DI I LAZARIGLIO di TORMES | NelV Academia Pica- resca lo Ingegnoso Sforturutto, Composta, & hora accresciuta dallo stesso LAZARIGLIO, | & trasportata dalla Spag- nuola neir Italiana faueUa|da BAREZZO BAREZZI. | Nella quale con viuace Discorsi, e gratiosi Trattenimenti si \ celebrano le Virtu e si manifestano le di lui, §• le altrui\ miseriey Sf infelicitadi: e leggiadramente si spiegano Ammaestramenti saggi, Sentenze graui, Auenimenti mirabili, Fatti egregi, Capricci curiosi, Detti piaceuoll, & Facetie singolari, Proverbi sententiosL Omata di due copiosissime Tauole. \ DEDICATA | Al Molto Magnifico Signor PIETRO ZERBINA. | SECON- DA V (Diospro nobis, quis contra nos.) IMPRESSIONE) IN VENETIA, Presso il Barezzi. MDCXXH. Con Licenza de* Superiori, e Priuilegi, 20 ff. + 263 pp. + 1 p. 8vo. (Bibl. de Ste. Genevieve, Br. Mus.) Approval: IX. Kal. Decemb. MDCXXL Dedication dated January 17, 1622. First edition could not much have preceded this, judging from privilege. Navarrete in Bib, de aut, esp, vol. 33, gives 1622 as first edition. First part of Lazarillo only, but much altered, introduc- ing Cervantes' La gitanUla in 90 pp. 414 BIBLIOGRAPHY The same. Venetia, Barezzi, 1626. 8 ff . + 263 pp. + 39 pp. (Bodleian.) The same. Venetia, Barezzi, 1635. 26 ff. + 368 pp. (Br. Mas.) with a second volume as below. 1635. Barrezzi's Version of Part Two of 1555 IL PICARIGLIO I CASTIGLIANO, | SECONDA PARTE, I che continua la Narratione della VITA del CattiueUo | LAZARIGLIO di TORMES|etc. . . . 20 ff.+ 400 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) Based on 1555 Lazarillo, it is swelled up with an im- mense amount of extraneous matter. 235 pp. of irrele- vant discourse is given to Lazarillo before the story really opens, 55 chaps, in all. As an example of Barezzi's method see 13th chap., entitled, " Don Diego di Mendozza discorre della Ingratittidine, vito abbominabiliy Sf che dis' trugge le vtrtudi ; Sf a questo proposito narra vn' Aueni- mento di uno ingrato seruo; caso veramerUe motto singo' lare^^* etc., etc. 1599. Aleman's Part One. Editio Princeps PRIMER A PARTE IDE GVZMAN DE AL-| farache, por Mateo Aleman, criado del | Rey don Felipe. III. nuestro sefior, y natural vezino de Seuilla.| Dirigida a D. Francisco de RojaSy Mar-\ques de Poza, Senor de la Casa de Mongon.\ Presidente del Consejo de la hazien-l da de su Magestady y Trihu-\nales della.\ Con licencia y priuilegio. | En casa del Licenciado Varez de Castroy \ En Madrid, Ano de 1599. | (LEGENDO SIMVL Q PERA- GRANDO)! 16ff. + 256ff. 4to. (Br. Mus.) Aprobacion January 13, 1598, signed Fray Diego BIBLIOGRAPHY 416 Dauila. Tassa, March 4, 1599, and Royal approval Feb- ruary 16, 1599. The same. 1599 Barcelona, privilege April 27, 1599 (rare, probably corresponding to Sebastian de Cormellas' 1600 Barcelona edition of 8 if . + 207 ff . + 1 f .) I'he same. \ En Qarog09a, por luan Perez de Valdiu- ielso. I M.D.XCIX. | 8 ff. + 208 ft. 8vo. Licenses June 21 and 22, 1599. (Bodleian.) 1602. Sayavedra's (Martfs) Part Two /ii^(^< 1605. | CON PRIVI- LEGIO. I Impressa en Valencia, en casa de Pedro Patri- cio |Mey junto a S. Martin. I A costa de Roche Sonzonio BIBLIOGRAPHY 417 mercader de libros.| 12 ff. + 585 pp. + 7 pp. (Ticknor CoU.) Koyal permission, Valencia, Sept. 22, 1605, church per- mission, Valencia, Oct. 17, 1605. This may then have slightly preceded the Barcelona edition, although there is no mention of a privilege as early as the "Lisboa, 1604" date given in the Barcelona print. Ticknor thought this the first, though he had not seen the other. Quaritch and most others believe in a Lisboa edition as the first of this genuine second part, basing their opinion on the Lisboa privilege. Other early editions of Guzman are, 1600 Madrid, Varez de Castro, 12mo; 1600 Barcelona, Seb. Cormellas; 1600 Coimbra, Na officina de Antonio de Mariz, 8vo; 1600 Bruxellas, luan Mommarte, Svo ; 1600 Paris, Nico- las Bonfons, Svo; 1601 Madrid, luan Martinez, Svo; 1603 Tarragona, Felipe Roberto i, costa de Hieronymo Martin; 1603 Milan, Jeronimo Bordon y Pedromartir IxKjarno, Svo; 1603 Zarag09a, Angelo Tavanno; 1604 Brucellas, luan Mommarte, Svo ; 1605 Barcelona, Cormel- las, Svo, Aleman's 1st and 2d (as above) ; 1615 Milan, J. Baptista Bidelo, Aleman's 1st and 2d Pts. ; 1619 Bur- gos, Aleman's 1st and 2d Pts.; 1641 Madrid, Pablo de Val, Aleman's 1st and 2d Pts., and so too 1661 Madrid ; 16S1 Amberes, Geronymo Verdussen, Aleman's 1st and 2d Pts., etc., etc., etc. Also notably 1723 Madrid, 1736 Amberes, 1750 Madrid, 1773 Valencia, 17S7 Valencia, 1826 Paris (Lyon), 1829 Madrid, 1843 Barcelona, etc., etc. Even as a chapbook , Valladolid, 1850 Historia de las graciosas y divertidas aventuras del Picaro G. de A. (Br. Mus.) 2b 418 BIBLIOGRAPHY FRENCH 1600. Gabriel Chappuy's Version of Part One Guzman | d' Alf arache. | Dioise en trois liures, par Mathieu | Aleman, Espagnol.| Faict Fran9ois, par G. CH APPVYS I Secretaire Interprete du Roy. | A PARIS, | Par Nicolas §• Pierre Bonfons, \ au quatriesme pillier de la grand' \ SaUe du Palais. \ M. DC. | AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY.I 16 ff. + 237 ff. + 1 f.; then If. + 100 ff.; then 100 ff. + 2 ff. 12mo. Dedication to " Pierre de Berin- gen, conseiller et premier valet de chambre du roy, gou- verneur de la ville et chasteau d'Estapes.'' (Bibl. de TArsenal.) 1619. Chapelain's Version of Part One LE I GVEVX, |0V I LA VIE DE GVZMAN | D'AL- FARACHE, IMAGE | de la vie humaine.| En laquelle touies les fourbes §• meschancetez \ qui s* vsent dans le monde sont plaisamment \ ff vtilement descouuertes. \ Version nou- uelle & fidelle d'Espagnol en Fran9ois.| PREMlfeRE P ARTIE. I A PA RIS, \ chez PIERRE BILL A INE, au Palais, pres \ la Chappelle Sainct Michel, M.DCXIX.| AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY. | 16 ff. + 334 ff. + 1 f . ; then 252 ff. + 19 ff. 8vo. 1620. Chapelain's Version of Aleman's Part Two LE VOLEVR I OV | LA VIE DE GVZMAN | POVRr TRAIT DV TEMPS | ET MIROIR DE LA VIE| humaine : | Ou toutes les fourbes Sc meschancetez qui se font dans le monde sont vtilement Sf plai\samment descouuertes.\ Pifece non encore veue, & rendue fidelement de | I'original Espagnol de son premier & veritable (Autheur MATEO ALEMAN. I Seconde Partie | A PARIS, | chez TOVS- BIBLIOGRAPHY 419 SAINCT DV BRAY, me Sainct Jacques, | aux Epics- meors: Et en sa boutique au Palais, en la gallerie des Prisonniers.| M.DC.XX.| AVEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY. I 22 ff. + 1209 pp. + 5 ff . 8vo. Priv. for both is dated Feb. 26, 1619. Other editions of Chapelain's version : 1632 Paris, 1st Pt. Henry le Gras, 2d Pt. Nicolas Gasse, 8vo; 1633 Rouen (both Pts.), J. de la Mare, 8vo; 1638 Paris (1st Pt.), Denys Houssaye, and 1639 (2d Pt.), 8vo; 1639 Lyon (both Pts.), Simon Regnaud, 8vo; 1645 Rouen (1st Pt.), David Ferrand, and (2d Pt.) 1646. 1695. Gabriel Bremond's Version "Histoire de T Admirable don Guzman d'Alfarache," Amsterdam, 1695, 3 vols. 12mo. The same, Paris, veuve Mabre-Cramoisy 1695, 3 vols. 12mo. La vie | de | Guzman | d' ALfarache. | Tome 1. 1 Contenant la I. et la II. Partie. | A Paris, \ Par Pierre Ferrand, Im- primeur \ ordinaire du Roy, a Roiien, \ M.DC.XC VII. | Avec privilege du roy. | 3 vols. 2 ff. + 363 pp. + 207 pp. ; then 336 pp. + 152 pp.; then 263 pp. + 157 pp. + 11 pp. 12mo. Also frontis. + 16 gravures. Other edits. : Lyon, Laurent Langlois, 1705, 4 v. 12mo ; Bruxelles, Geo. de Backer, 3 v. 8vo (priv. Dec. 31, 1700); Paris, Michel David, 1709; Paris, Jean Greofroy Nym, 1709 ; Amst. 1728 ; Paris 1728, 1733, 1734, etc., etc. 1732. Le Sage's Version Histoire | de | Guzman | d'Alfarache, | nouvellement tra- duite, I et purg^e des moralit^z superflues. | Par Monsieur Le Sage I Tome premier (Tome seconde)|A Paris, | chez Etienne Ganeau, rue S. Jacques, pr^s | la rue du Pl&tre, 420 BIBLIOGRAPHY aux Armes de Dombes. | 1732. | Avec privilege du roy. | 2 vols. 12ino. Other edits. : Paris, 1734, 12mo ; Amst. 1740, 12mo, and 1777 ; Maestricht, 1777, 1787 ; LiUe, 1792 ; and n. d. (1794); Amst. (in OEuvres) 1783, etc., with a score of 19th cen- tury editions. For all of these, see Granges de Surg^rcs, Les traductions fran^aises de G. d*Alfarache, Paris, 1886. Le Sage was abridged by Pons-Augustin Alletz in 1777, La Haye, 12mo, with after editions. ITALIAN 1606. Barezzi*s Version of Part One VITA I DEL PICARO | GVSMANO D'ALFARACE. | DESCRITTA DA MATTEO ALEMANNO | DI SIVIG- LI A, I et tradotta dalla Lingua Spagnuola nell' Italiana | da BAREZZO BAREZZI Cremonese. | . . . . CON LI- CENZA DE' SVPERIORI, ET PRIVILEGL| IN VE- NETIA, Presso Barezzo Bafezzi, M.DC.VI.| Alia Libra- ria delta Madonna \ 23 ff. (2 there by error) + 454 pp., 8vo (Br. Mus.), Dedication to II sig. Alessandro Zan- cani, March 20, 1608; Davilas aprobacion in Span, re- printed. Faithful translation of 1st Part. Story of " Osmino E Darassa," however, divided into chapters. Gallardo, Ensayo, Vol. I., p. 135, says, " En italiana se tradujo, e imprimid en Venecia, ano de 1615 y 1616;" referring doubtless to the other parts ; and in the Ensayo historico-apologeiico de la liieratura espanola of Don Xavier Lampillas translated to Span, by Dona Josef a Amar y Borbon, Madrid, 1789, in Vol. V., p. 171, it is remarked " El ya alahado Cremones Barezzo Barezzi, le puso en Itali- ano, y le publico en Venecia en 1615" These editions I have been unable to see. BIBLIOGRAPHY 421 GERMAN 1615. Albertinus' Version '' Der Landstortzer : Gasman von Alf arche, etc., Mgi- dius Albertinus, Munich, 1615. (As below, same pub- lisher, etc.), 6 ff . + 723 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) Der Landtstortzer : | Gusman VON Alfar- \ che (sic) oder Picaro genannt i | dessen wunderbarliches i abenthewr-| lichs vnnd possirlichs Leben i was gestallt er | schier alle Ort der Welt durchloffen i aller- 1 hand Stand i Dienst ynd Aembter versucht i | viel Guts vnnd Boses begangen vnd auszge-|standen i jetzt Reich i bald Arm i vnd widerumb | Reich vnnd gar Elendig worden i doch | letzlichen sich bekehrt hat i | bescrieben wird. | Durch | jEGIDI VM AL- BERTINVM, I Furstl. Durchl. in Bayrn. Secretarium, | theils ausz dem Spanischen verteutscht i theils gemehrt vnnd ge- 1 bessert. | Erstlich | Gedruckt zu Muuchen i durch Ni-|colaum Henricum.| ANNO M.DC.XVL] 5 ff . + 554 pjp. + 8 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) Edits.: Munchen, 1617, 8vo; Munchen, 1618, 8vo; 1619, 8vo; 1631, 8vo; 1632, 8vo; Gusmanus reformatus das ist der Landstorzer G. v. A., etc. Coin, 1658, 12mo ; Franckfurt a. M., 1670, 8vo, etc. 1626. Frewdenhold's Sequel Der Landstortzer | GVSMAN, | Von Alf arche, oder Picaro, \ genannt, | Dritter Theil i | Darinnen seine Reysz nach I Jerusalem in die Turckey i vnd Mor- | genlander i auch wie Er von dem Turcken ge- 1 fangen i widerumb erledigt i die Indianischen Land- jschaff ten besuchet i vnd in Teutschlandt selbst alle Statte | durchwandert i auch allerhand vnderschiedliche Dienstei | vnd Handwerck versuchet i vnd bald zu grossem Reich- 1 thumb aufEge- 422 BIBLIOGRAPHY stiegen i bald widerumb in hochste | Armuthgerahten i auszf uhrlichen | bescrieben wird. | . . . . Ausz deni Span- ischen Original erstmals | an jetzo verteutscht | Durch | MARTINUM Frewdenhold.| Getruckt zu Franckfurt am Mayn i Im Jahr | M.DC.XXVI. | 8 ff. + 494 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) Preface dated March 20, 1626. This is not a translation, but a sequel pure and simple, to be treated rather in an account of German rogue romances. An ed. 1670, 12mo, and Lustige Lebensgeschichte Gussmans (von F. W. Beer), Leipzig, 1751, Svo. ENGLISH 1622. Mabbe's Version of Aleman's Two Parts THE ROGVE : I OR, I THE LIFE | OF GVZMAN DE I ALFARACHE.I WRITTEN IN SPANISH | by MATEO ALEMAN.I Seruant to his Catholike Maiestie, and home in SEVILL.\ v (Veritas. Filia. Teinporis.)! LONDON,\ Printed for Edward Blount. 1622. | 12 ff. + 267 pp., folio, then new title page for 2d Part, " Printed by G.E.,/orEDWARDBLOVNT.| 1622. | Sff. + 358pp., folio. Dedicated by James Mabbe, the translator, to Sir John Strangewayes ; fine edition, marginal notes, original prefaces translated, and commendatory verses by John Fletcher, Leonard Digges and Ben Jonson. (Bodleian.) The same. OXFORD, | PHnted by WILLIAM TVR- NER,/or ROBERT ALLOT, | and are to be sold in Pauls Church-yard; | Ann. Dom. 1630.| (Bound with Mabbe's Celestina.) Folio. (Bodleian.) The same. To which is added the Tragi-Comedy of CALISTO|and MELIBE A, represented in Celestina.\ The third edition corrected. | .... LONDON, Printed by R. B. for Robert Allot and are to be sold | at his Shop in 1 BIBLIOGRAPHY 423 Pauls Church-yard at the Signe of \ the blacke Beare. An. Dom. 1634. 1 Folio. The title page to second part, dated 1633. (Bodleian.) The Rogue : Or The Excellence of History Displayed in the Notorious Life of that Incomparable Thief, Guz- man de Alfarache, the Witty Spaniard. Written origi- nally in Spanish by Matheo Aleman, Servant to his CathoUke JMajestie, and from the same Epitomiz'd into English by A. S. Gent., London. Printed by J. C. for the Author ; and are to be sold by Tho. Johnson .... 1655. 8vo. B-R^ in 8 s and the title. (Br. Mus.) 1656 etc. The ROGUE : I 0R,| THE LIFE | 0F| Guzman de Al- farache, I The Witty Spaniard. | In TWO PARTS. | Written in SPANISH, | by Matheo Aleman,\ Seruant to His Catholick Majesty | and bom in SeviL \ The Fifth and last Edition, Corrected. \ LONDON : | Printed by /. C. for Philip Chetwind; and are | to be sold by Tho: John- son, at the Golden | KEY in S. Pauls Church-yard. | MDCLVL I 2 ff . -f- 142 ff . -i- 1 f . -h 100 pp. ; new title thus : THE I ROGUE, I OR THE | SECOND PART LON- DON, Printed by Henry HUls, in the I year MDCLV. 1 f. -f- 216 pp. Svo. THE SPANISH I ROGUE, I or, The Life of | GUZMAN de ALFARACHE. I Giving an exact account of all his| Witty and Unparalel'd | ROGUERIES. | In two Parts.\ Guzman shall live ; he is become agen A new-born caveat to all living men; That some whose candles leading them amiss May mend their ways, by fetching light from his. Entered according to Order. | LONDON, | Printed for 424 BIBLIOGRAPHY Tho. Smith, in Cam-hill (n. d. ; end of 17th cent, proba- bly). 168 pp. 12mo. (Much abridged natarally.) The Life of Guzman d'Alfarache: or, the Spanish Rogue : to which is added the Celebrated Tragi-Comedj, Celestina. Done into English from the New French Ver- sion, and compared with the original. By several Hands. London 1708. 8yo. 2 vols, with sculptures by Gaspar Boutets. (Lowndes.) Other English editions : The Spanish Rogue, 1790 (?); Pleasant adventures of G. of A. From the French of Le Sage, by A. O'Connor, 1812 and 1817 ; Life of G. de A. Translated by J. H. Brady, 1821 and 1823, and with Roscoe's Life of Lazarillo, 1881 ; Amusing adventures of G. of AI£araque. Translated by E. Lowdell, 1883, etc., etc. LATIN 1623. Part One VITiE I HVMAN^ | PROSCENIVM :\INQVO SVB PERSONA GVSMANI I ALFARACII virtiUes §• vUia; fraude8y\cautiones ; simplicitasy nequitla; diuitiae, mendi- citas ;\bonay mala; omnia denique quoe hominihus cu{u5-| cunque astatis aut ordinis euenire solent aut | possunt, graph- ice ^ ad viuum\repr tioni dicata.l GASPARE ENS Editore \ QOl^O^lM AGRIPPIN^ I Excudebat Petrus k Brachel : ANNO M.DC.XXIIL I 8 ff. + 400. 12mo. (Bodleian.) 21 chapters. Considerably altered and compressed. The chief feature is the introduction of Lazarillo de Tormes, who relates his story in place of the Osmin y Daraxa^ in 68 pp., beginning, *^Lazaro de Tormes mihi nomen estj BIBLIOGRAPHY 426 quamvis pleriq ; vt olim puerum, ita nunc etiam LazariUum appdlitent, etc. 1624. Part Two PROSCENn I VIT^ HVMAN^.1 Pars Secunda.] IN QVA SVB PERSONA I GVSMANI ALFARACH MI-|rse fraudes, quibus tarn ipse alios decepit|qaam ab aliis deceptus est, turn varij | in vita hominum Euentus re-| prsesentantur. I Opera E Studio. | GASPARIS ENS L.| COLONIC AGRIPPIN^.| Excudebat PETRVS A BRACHEL. I ANNO M.DC.XXIV. | 8 if . + 392 pp. 12mo. (Bodleian.) 22 chapters. Dedication 20th March 1624. Ens makes the promise : " Quod si gratum hUc meum laborem Lectoribus fore intellexero; Deovitam Sf vcdetudinem suppeditante, Tertiam partem addam, non minus iucundis Sf notatu dignis euentibus ac historiis insigne" etc. A story replaces the Dorido y Clorinia labelled " His- toriae verae sub fictis personis narratio." The Claudio y Dorotea story is omitted. This part ends with Part 2, Book 3, chap. 6, of the original. 1652. Three Parts Tlie same. 1st and 2d Parts. Same wording as above, different alignment: DANTISCI | Sumptibus GEORGU rORSTERI. 1652. 12mo. 1st, 8 ff. + 269 pp. ; 2d, 3 ff. + 266 pp. With this issued also the 3d part : PROSCENn I VIT^ HUMANE I PARS TERTIA. | IN QVA I VELUT CATASTROPHE | Historiae, sen mavis, Fabulae de vita | GUSMANI ALFARACII | im- ponitur.j Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci.j Editore GASPARE ENS L.| v DANTISCI | Sumptibus 426 BIBLIOGRAPHY GEORGII FORSTERLI Frontis. + 2ff. + 82 pp. + 2ff. I2mo. (Br. Mus.) It is noteworthy in the Latin Guzman that wherever a quotation direct from the original would occur, it is put in Italian, not in Spanish. Thus where occurs the proverb (Ft. 1, B. 2, ch. 8 of the original), En Malagon, en cada casa un ladron; y en lo del alcalde, hijo y padre, the Latin does not translate it, but prints it in Italian, " In Malagone in ogni casa un ladrone : Sf in quella dell A Icalde, il Jiglio e il padre *' (Latin. Book I., ch. 13), etc., etc. This shows indubitably Ens* dependence upon Barezzi's version. His borrowings from Albertinus* German re- daction are obvious. DUTCH 1655. Second Edition Het Leven van \ Gusman, d'Alfarache, | 't AFBEELD- SEL I Van 't Menschlijck Leven : | Onder de gedaente van een \ SPAENSCHEN | Landt-looper, en Bedelaer.| Waer in de Aldergkeslepenste Fielteryen ende \ Schelm-sttAcken der Wereldt vermakelijck, \ yder een ten nut toerden ontdeckt.] EERSTE DEEL. | Den tweeden Druck, vermeerdert | en verbetert. | TOT ROTTERDAM, | By Abraham Pietersz, Boeck-verkoo- 1 per. Anno 1655. | Frontis. + 5 ff. + 173 pp. + 3 gravures. The second part (Aleman's) has a separate title page, 1 + 140 pp. + 3 ff . 12mo. A compressed work retaining all essentials, but omitting tales. Preface 6 pp. with 2 Latin epigrams and 8 lines of Dutch verse. (Br. Mus.) The same — de derde druk — 1658 te Rotterdam, Abra- ham Pietersz ; and Het Leven van Guzman d'Alfarache BIBLIOGRAPHY 427 . . . door een ongenoemde. Amsterdam, 1705, 12mo, 2 vols. (Jan Ten Brink.) Den laatsten Druck merkelyk verbetert. Amsterdam, 1728, 12mo, 2 vols. (Br. Mus.) 1603. Editio Princeps EL VIAGE I ENTRETENIDO | de Agustin de Rojas, natural de | la villa de Madrid. | CON VNA EXPOSI- CION I de los nombres Historicos y Poeticos, | que no van declarados. | A Don Martin Valero de Franqueza, | Cauallero del habito de Santiago, y | gentil hombi*e de la bocade | su Magestad. | Con Priuilegio de Castilla, y Aragon. | EN MADRID, | En la Emprenta Real. | M.DC.III. I Vendese en casa de Francisco de Robles. | 32 ff . + 749 pp. + 1 p. 8vo. Colophon : En Madrid, | Por luan Flamenco. | M.DC.III. Church aprobacion by Gracian Dantisco, May 15, 1603 ; Royal, June 16, 1603. Laudatory sonnet by Salas Bar- badillo. (Br. Mus.) Nicolis Antonio gives 1583 erroneously, and Brunet after him 1583 Madrid, Alonso Gomez, 8vo. The same, Lerida 1611, 8vo. Tlie same. EN MADRID, | en casa de la viuda de Alonso Martin.) Ano 1614. | A costa de Miguel Mar- tinez, I Vedese en la ccdle mayor en las gradas de S, Felipe, \ 8vo, 16 ff. + 280 ff. Tassa, May 17, 1614, Fe de erratas May 12, and aprobacion May 15. (Ticknor Coll.) The same, Afio v 1615. | CON LICENCIA DEL ORr DINARIO, I EN LERIDA. | Por Luys Manescal, Mer- cader de LUtros, 4to. Aprobacion Jan. 4, 1611. Other editions, 1624 Barcelona, 1640 Madrid, 12mo, 1793 Madrid, so-called Quinta edicion, corregida y eraen- 428 BIBLIOGRAPHY dada segun el expurgatorio del afio de 1747, Benito Cano. 8vo. 1605. Editio Princeps LIBRO DE I ENTRETENIMIENTO, DE | LA PI- CARA IVSTINA, EN EL | qual debaxo de graciosos discorsos, se | encierran prouechosos auiso8.| Al Jin de coda numero veras vn discursoy que te muestra \ como te has de aprouechar desta lectura, para huyr los | enganoSy que oy dia se vsan. \ Es juntamente ARTE POETIC A, que contiene cincuenta | j vna diferencias de versos, hasta oy nunca recopilados, cuyos | nombres, j numeros estan en la pagina sigaente. | DIRIGID A A DON RODRIGO | Calderon Sandelin, de la Camara de su | Magestad. Sefior de las Villas de la | Oliua y Plasen9aela. &c.| COMPVESTO POR EL LICENCIADO \ Francisco de Vbeda, natural de Toledo.\ v CON PRIVILEGIO.| Impresso en Medina del Campo, por Christoual | Lasso Vaca. Ano, M.DC. V. | (Br. Mus.) Front. + 8 ff. + 184 pp. + 232 pp. + 48 pp. Shl 4to. Royal Privilege Aug. 22, 1604. Frontispiece is curious. On the stream of Forgetf ulness is seen the ship of Pica- resque Life with the Picaro Alf arache in the prow, his scrip labelled Poor and Content. On either side of the mast are Celestina and Justina; Bacchus is in the shrouds, and a pennant El gusto me lleha floating from the peak. Lazarillo in a row boat alongside has with him the Bull of Salamanca, and Death is at a neighbor- ing port holding up the glass of Disengafio. The same, *< La PIC ARA Montanesa, llamada Justina," etc., Barcelona, Sebastian de Cormellas, 1605. 5fE.+ 282 ft. Sm. 8vo. (Brunet and Salv6.) The same. DIRIGIDO | A DON ALONSO PIMEN^- J BIBLIOGRAPHY 429 TEL I Y ESTERLICQ ... EN BRVCELLAS, | En casa de Oliuero Brunello, en la Fuente | de oro. Afio M.D.C.VIIL I Front. + 9 fE. + 449 pp. + 3 pp. Sm. 8vo. Privilege, Nov. 7, 1607. Crude reproduction of former frontispiece. LA PICARA I MONTASTESA | LLAMADA IVSTI- NA, I etc. ... A no 1640. | Impresso en Barcelona, en casa PEDRO | LACAVALLERIA. | Vendese en la misma Imprenta. \ 5 ff. + 282 pp. + 1 p. 4to. Aprobacion Jan. 24, 1640. Other edits.: 1640, Barcelona, Sebastian de Cormel- las, Svo ; 1707 Barcelona, Svo. La Picara Montanesa — 1735 — 4to, Madrid, Juan de Zuniga, with notice on the work and its author. ITALIAN. 1624 " Vita della Picara Giustina Diez." An edition (proba- bly the 1st) with Barezzi in 1624. See below his privi- lege, October 8, 1624. Navarrete cites this ; but Groedeke, Grundriss, I., p. 579, gives the following only : 1628 VITA DELLA | PICARA | GIVSTINA | DIEZ ; | Re- gola de gli animi licentiosi : | In cui con gratiosa maniera simostrano gV inganni,\che hoggidl frequentemente s* vsano; s'additano \ le vie di superarli; \ e si leggono \ Sentenze graui Precetti Politici Documenti Morali Auuertimenti curiosi. E Fauole facete, e piaceuoli. Composta in lingua Spagntwla dal Licentiato Francesco \ di Vbeda naturale della Citta di Toledo: \ Et hora trans- portata nella fauella Italiana | da BAREZZO BAREZZI Cremonese. | Dedicata al Molto Illustre^ e generosissimo 480 BIBLIOGRArHY %. I IL SIG. GIOVANNI DA STETEN. | IN VENE- TIA, MDCXXVIIT. | Appresso Barezzo Barezzi. | Con Licenza de* Superiori, Sf Priuilegio. | 12 ff. + 207 pp. 8va Dedication Oct. 8, 1624, with 2d Part as : 1629. Part Two DELLA VITA | DELLA PICARA | GIVSTINA DIEZ I Volume Secondo, Intitolato | LA DAMA VA- GANTE, I . . . DEDICATA AL MOLTO ILLVSTRE | SIG. CAVALIER ROVELLO. | IN VENETIA, Presso il Barezzi. MDCXXIX. | Con Licenza de* Superiori, j* Priuilegio, | 17 ff . + 260 pp. + 1 f . Svo. Dedication Apr. 4, 1629. (Bodleian.) GERMAN 1627 Grasze, Lehrhxich einerallg. Literdrgeschichte, gives 1618 for the first German translation ; but Goedeke, Grundr, n., p. 578, gives 1626-7 as below. Der Landtsturtzerin | JUSTINiE DIETZIN PICA- RA I IL Theil i | Die frewdige Dama genannt : | In deren wunderbarlichem Le- 1 ben vnd Wandel alle List vnd betrug so in | den jetzigen Zeiten hin vnd wider verdbet vnd getrie-| ben werden i vnnd wie man densel- bigen zu | begegnen i sehr fein vnd artig be-| schrie- ben.| Beneben allerley sch5nen vnd denckw&r-| digen Spr^chen i Politischen Regeln i arglistigen | vnnd verschlagenen Grieffen vnd Erfindungen i lehr-| hafften Erinnerungen i trewhertzigen Warnungem | anmutigen vnd kurtzweiligen | Fabeln.| Erstlichen | Durch Herrn Licentiat Franciscum di Uheda von | Toledo in Spannischer Sprach beschrieben i vnd in zwey | sonderbare Bucher BIBLIOGRAPHY 481 abgetbeilt. | Nachinals von Baretzo Baretzi in ItaJianisch | transferiert: Vnd nun zum letzten auch in vnsere hoch Teut-|sche Sprach versetzt.| Franckfurt am Mayni| Getruckt bey Caspar RSteln i In Yerlegung | Johaunis Ammonii Burgers vnd | Bucbhandlers. | MDC.XXVII. | 8 ff. + 604 pp. 8vo. It follows Italian version exactly. (Br. Mus.) Another edition, Franckfurt a. M., bey M. Kempffer, 1646. Svo. FRENCH. 1635 LA I NARQVOISE | IVSTINE. | LECTVRE PLEINE DE RECREA' \ Hues auentures, ^ de morales railleries, \ contre plusieurs conditions humaines, | v | A PARIS, I chez PIERRE BILAINE, rue saiuct | lacques, pres S. Yue k la bonne Foy. | M.DC.XXXVI. | A VEC PRIVILEGE DV ROY,\ 7 fE. + 711 pp. + 1 p. (Bibl. Nat.) Privilege, May 1, 1635, to Pierre Blaise, associating with him Pierre Bilaine and Anthoine de Sommaville. Brunet and others give 1635 for date, and so does Cat. of Bibl. Ste. Genevieve, where the copy identical with this lacks, however, the title page. ENGLISH. 1707 (Translated in) THE | Spanish Libertines: | OR, THE I LIVES I OF | JUSTINA, The Country Jilt ; | CELESTINA, The Bawd of Madrid, | AND | ESTE- VANILLO GONZALES, | The most Arch and Comical of I SCOUNDRELS. | To which is added, a PLAY, call'd, I An EVENINGS ADVENTURES. | All Four Written by Eminent SPANISH | Authors, and now Jirst made English hy Captain JOHN STEVENS. | LON- 482 BIBLI06RAPHT DON I Printed, and Sold by Samuel Bunchley, at the Pub- 1 lishing Office in Bearhinder-Lane, Yldl, | 4 ff . + 528 pp. Svo. Justina occupies 65 pp. in 8 chaps, con- taining all incidents of the original compressed. (Br. Mas.) 1612. Editio Princeps LAHYIA I DECELES-ITINA.I For Alonso Geronimo de Sal as Bar- 1 badillo : impressa por la diligencia j \ cuy- dado del Alferez Francisco | de Segura, entretenido | cerca de la persona del | Senor Virrey de | Aragon. | A Don Francisco Gassol, Caua-|llero del Orden de Santiago | del Consejo de su Magestad, y | su Pronotario en los Reynos | de la Corona de Aragon. | Con Licencia. \ £n Carogo^a, Por la Biuda de | Lucas Sanchez. Ano de 1612. | A costa de luan de Bonilla, | mercader de libros. I 4 ff. + dl ff. Sm. 12mo. Church permission, April 24, 1612. Boyal permission, May 5, 1612. (Br. Mus.) " La hija de Pierres y Celestina," Lerida, Luys Manescal, 1612, 16mo (a later edition than preceding), cited by Antonio, Barrera y Leirado, etc. La Ingeniosa | Elena. | etc. . . . En Madrid. | Por luan de Herrera. | Ano 1614. | Vendese en casa de Antonio Ro-| driguez, calle de Santiago. | 12 ff. + 154 ft. + 4. 12mo. Saragossa edition copied in Milan, Juan Baptista Bi- delli, 1616, 12mo; and La Ingeniosa Elena; Hija de Celestina. | . . . . Tercera Impresion | Ano de 1737 | con Licencia : En Madrid : A costa de D. | Pedro Joseph Alonso y Padilla, etc. 8vo. (Both in Br. Mus.) (The last, like 1614, edition adds 4 chapters of no value ; the epitaph of Elena is 14 lines in the 1st edition, 8 lines and different in 1614, and these 8 joined with 8 others here.) BIBLIOGRAPHY 433 The novel is translated to French, as Les Hypocrites, nouvelle de M. Scarron, Paris. Ant. de SommaviUe, 1655, small 8vo, reprinted with L'Adultere innocent, and Plus d'effets que de paroles, in Les nouvelles tragi-comiques, Paris, Ant. de Soinmayille, 1661, sm. 8yo. John Davies, of Kidwelly, translated to English the Hypocrites, the Fruitless Precaution, and the Innocent Adul- tery of Scarron in 1657, publishing them separately ; the four novelle from Scarron's Roman Comique he issued in 1662 ; collecting the seven in 1667 ; and in 1670 bringing out the Unexpected Choice. Thus, by way of Scarron and Davies, the Elena was the first piece of Barbadillo to come into English. 1613. Editio Princeps NOVEL AS I EXEMPLARES | DE MIGVEL DE| Ceruantes Saauedra. | DI RIG I DO A DON PEDRO FERNAN-\dez de Castro, Conde de Lemos, de Andrade, y Villalua, \ Marques de Sarria, Gentilhombre de la Ca- mara de su \ Magesiad, Virrey, Gouemador, y Capitan Gen- eral I del Reyno de Napoles, comendador de la En-\comienda de la Zarga de la Orden | de Alcantara, \ Ano •> 1613 | C3 priuilegio de Castilla y de los Reyuos de la Corona de Arag5. | EN MADRID, Por luan de la Cuesta. | Ven- dese en casa de Fracisco de Robles, librero del Reynro Senor. | 12 ff. + 274 ff. 4to. Aprobaciones, July 2, and 9, 1612, and Aug. 8, 1612. (Bodleian.) Other edits. : 1614 Madrid, Juan de la Cuesta, 8vo ; 1614 Pamplona, Nic. Assiayn, 8vo ; 1614 Bruselas, Roger Velpio y Huberto Antonio, 8vo; 1615 Pamplona, 8vo; 1615 Milan, J. B. Bidelo, 12mo ; 1616 Venecia, 12mo ; 1617 Madrid, J. de la Cuesta, 8vo ; 1617 Lisboa, Antonio Alva- rez, 8vo ; 1617 Pamplona, Nic. Assiayn, 8vo ; 1621 Barce- 2f 434 BIBLIOGRAPHY lona, Esteban Liberds, 8vo; 1622 Pamplona, 8yo; 1622 Madrid, 8yo; 1624 SeviUa, Francisco Lira, Svo; 1625 Bruselas, Huberto Antonio, Svo; 1631 Barcelona, Svo; 1648 Sevilla, P. GWmez de Pastrana, 8vo ; 1664 Madrid, Julian de Paredes, 4to ; 1664 Sevilla, G<$mez de Bias, 4to ; 1739 Haya, Neaulme, 8vo; 1769 Valencia, 8vo ; 1783 Madrid, 8vo ; In Col. de nov. escodidas 1791 ; 1797 Valen- cia, 8vo ; 1799 Madrid, 12mo ; 1805 Gotha, Stendel y Keil (t. 9 & 10 Bibl. Esp.); 1816 Madrid, 12mo; 1821 Madrid, 8vo ; 1825 Lidn, 18mo ; 1818 Berlin ; 1826 Paris, Obras es cogidas, etc. ; 1842-43 Madrid, 8vo ; 1844 Barcelona, 18mo, etc. See Ensayo Critico sohre Las Novelas Ejemplares de Cervantes con la hihliografia de sus ediciones por Luis Orel- laua y Rincdn, Valencia, Ferrer de Cerza, 1890, for bib- liography and account. For modern texts, see Rafael Luna in Revista Contemporanea, 1880 ; tomo 25 of colec- cion de aut. esp., Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1883; and Novel, ejemp. Mit erkl'arenden Anmerkungen herausg. von Adolf Ejressner, Leipzig, 1886, 16mo, etc. FRENCH. 1618 " Les nowelles . . . ov sont contenves plvsivers rares advantvres,'' etc., as below. F. de Rosset & le Sr. d'Avdigvier. Paris, 1618. 8vo. 1640 LES I NOWELLES | DE MIGVEL | DE CER- VANTES I SAAVEDRA. | OV SONT CONTENVfiS PLV- 1 SIEVRS RARES ADVANTVRES, ET | mem- orables exemples d' Amour de Fideli- [ t^, de Force de Sang, de lalousie, de mau-|vaise habitude, de charmes, & d'autres aooi- 1 dens, non moins etranges que veritable8.| BIBLIOGRAPHY 486 Traduites d'Espagnol en Francois: les six premiers par F. DE I ROSSET, §• les autres six par le S. D'AVDI- GVIER. I Avec I'Histoire de Ruis Dias, & de Quixaire Prin- I cesse des Moluques, compos^e par le | Sieur DE BEL LAN. I Reueue ^ corrigee en ceste dernier e Edition.] V A PARIS, I Chez lEREMIE BOVILLEROT, Im- primeur, | demeurant en la Court du Palais, vis a vis | de la Conciergerie. | M.DC.XXXX. | 8vo. 4 ff . 4- 696 pp. (Ticknor Coll.) Pierre Hessein published at Amsterdam in 1700 a translation reprinted there in 1709 and 1713, and in Paris in 1713 and 1723. In 1768 a French edition of the Quisfbte and the Novelas appeared at Amsterdam in 12mo; and the Novelas there that year alone in Svo. Among other editions were those of Amsterdam, 1705, Svo; Rouen, 1723; Paris, 1775, by Coste d'Arnobat ; Paris, 1787, by Claris de Florian ; Paris, 1788, 2 v., 8vo ; Paris, 1809, 4 v., 12mo ; and Louis Viardot's version, Paris, 1858, 2 v., 8vo., etc., etc. ITALIAN. 1616-26 According to Lampillas (Ensayo histdrico^pologetico de la literatura Espanola, Madrid, 1789, Vol. 5, p. 187), II novelliere castigliano di Michiel di Cervantes Saavedra ^^ En 1616 salieron de las prensas de Venecia traducidas en Italiano.'' In 1626 there was an edition similar to that noted below, and in 1629, according to Lampillas, Donato Fontana undertook a Milanese redaction. 1629 IL I NOVELLIERE | CASTIGLIANO | DI MI- CHIEL DI CERVANTES | SAAVEDRA; | Nel quale, mescolandosi lo stile graue co'l faceto, si* narrano \ auueni- 436 BIBLIOGRAPHY menti curiosi, c Jacques, i Auec Priuilege du Roy. | 4 ff . + 427 ff. 8vo. Oct. 11, 1620 ; achevd d'imprimer, June 30, 1621. (Bibl. Nat.) 1621. Editio Princeps LA I SABIA FLORA | MALSABIDILLA. | A DON IVAN ANDRES \ Hurtado de Mendo^ Marques de Canete, Senor \ de las villas deArjete y su partido, Montero ma- I yordelRey nuestro senor, Guarda mayor \ de la Ciudad de Cuenca. | AVTOR ALONSO GERO- 1 nimo de Salas Barbadillo. | Ano v (VIRGA FVI TEMPORE) BIBLIOGRAPHY 447 1621. I CON PRIVILEGIO, | En Madrid, For Luis Sanchez. | A costa de Andres de Carrasquilla mercor] der de libros, \ 7 ff. + 167 ft, 8vo. Aprobacion, Oct. 31, and Nov. 2 and 8, 1620. Barbadillo's dedication, Feb. 10, 1621. (Bibl. de rArsenal.) 1621. Editio Princeps EL NECK) I BIEN AFORTVNADO. | A DON FRANCISCO I y don Andres Fiesco, Caualleros | de la Nobilissima Republica | de Genoua. | AVTOR ALONSO| Greronimo de Salas Barbadillo, | vezino j natural desta villa I de Madrid. | Con Privilegio. | En Madrid, por la viuda de Cos- | me Delgado. Aiio 1621. | A costa de Andres de Carrasquilla | Mercader de Libros. | 12 fE. + 154 ff . 12mo. Church aprobacion, Oct. 31, 1620 ; Royal, Nov. 8, 1620. (Br. Mus.) ENGLISH 1670. Ayres' Translation The I FORTUNATE FOOL. | Written in Spanish BY I Don Alonso Geronimo de SALAS | B ARB ADILLO of Madrid. | Translated into English | BY | PHILIP AYRES, Gent. | London, | Printed and are to be Sold by Moses Pitt at | the White Hart in Little Britain,! 1670. I 8 ff. + 382 pp. 8vo. Licensed Oct. 21, 1669, by Roger TEstrange. (Br. Mus.) And again as : THE I LUCKY IDIOT: | OR, | FOOLS HAVE FORTUNE. I Verified in the LIFE of | D. Pedro de Cenudo, | Whose Follies had generally a prosperous | Event : But when he pretended to be | Wise was usually Unfortunate. | Improv'd with Variety of Moral Re- marks, | and diverting amusements. | Written in Spar^ 448 BIBLIOGBAFHT ishf by Don Queoedo de Alcala. \ Now Rendred into Modem English by a | Person of Quality. | Omne ttdii Punctuni, qui miscuit utile dulci: \ Ridentem dicere verum, Quis vetat \ LONDON: Printed for H. HITCH and L. HAWES, at the Red- \ Lyon^ in Pater naster Row; S. CROWDER and Co. | facing St. Magnus Church, LondonrBridge. 1760. | 12mo. 168 pp. (Ticknor Coll.) Thirteen chapters, abridged, but the alterations slight. The Introduction signed J. L. 1624. Part One ^ Alonso mo^o de muchos amos," etc., precisely as below. Con privilegio en Madrid por Bernardino de Guzman. A Costa de J. de Vicuna Carrasquilla. 8vo. 8 ff . + 166 ff. Suma del Priv. October 24, 1623 ; Tassa October 25, 1624 ; Fd de erratas October 28, 1624. (Noted in Gallardo, Ensayoy I., col. 66.) Rare. 1625. Second Edition of Part One ALONSO I MOCO DE | MVCHOS] Amos. \DIRIGIDO A DON LVYS FAXARDO \ Marqites de los Velez, y de Molina^ Adelantado, y \ Capitan General del Regno de MurciOf y Mar' \ quesado de Villena, reduzido a la | Corona Real. I Compuesto por el Doctor Geronymo | de Alcala Yafiez, Medico y cirujano, | vezino, y natural de la Ciu- dad I de Segouia | •; I CON LICENCIA, | En Barcelona, por Esteua Liber^s, 1625. | A Costa de Miguel Menescal. | 8 ff. + 160 ff. Sm. 8vo. Aprobacion, April 21, 1625. Tassa refers to October 25, 1624. (Br. Mus.) 1626. Editio Princeps of Part Two SEGVNDA I PARTE DE | ALONSO MOZO | DE MVCHOS I AMOS. | COMPVESTO POR EL DOC- BIBLI06BAPHT 449 TOR I Greronirao de Alcala Yanez y Kibera, | Medico, vezino de la ciudad | de Segouia. | DIRIGIDA AL DOCTOR DON\ Agustin Daza, Dean y Canonigo de la santa y Ca- \ tedral Iglesia de Segouia, y Re/rendario de su\ Santidad en las Signaturas de Gra- \ cia, y de lusticia, \ CON PRIVILEGIO. | En Valladolid, por Geronymo Mo- rillo I Impressor de la Vniversidad. | Ano M.DC.XXVI. ( 16 ff . 4- 322 pp. + 1 f . 8vo. Royal permission, December 16, 1625 ; Tassa, Novem- ber 14, 1626, etc. (Br. Mus.) Other eds. : 1788 Madrid, Benito Cano; El donado hablador, vida y adventura de Alonso 1804 Madrid, Ruiz. 8yo. 2 vol., with a few notes; and again 1847, Paris, Baudry. 8yo. In Tomo U. ; Tesoro de noyelistas espanoles. 1626. Editio Princeps VARIA I FORTVNA | DEL SOLDADO | PIN- DARO. I Por don Gonqalo de Cespedes y Meneses vezino y no- I tural de Madrid, \ Al Excelentissimo senor don Manuel Alonso Perez de | Guzman El Bueno Duque de Medina Sidonia. | : (VIAS. TVAS. DOMINE. DE- MO NSTRATA. MIHI.) Con todas las licencias necessa- Has, I LISBOA. Por Geraldo de la Vina. 626. (sic) \ 4 ff . + 188 ff. 4to. (Misprints chapter captions.) (Br. Mus.) Licenses in Portuguese, January 8, 1625, and February 4 and 6, 1625, might indicate an earlier, 1625, edition. Other eds. : 1661 Madrid, Melchoir Sanchez, 8vo; 1696 Zarag09a, Pasqual Bueno, 12mo; 1733 Madrid, 4to; 1845 Madrid, Vicente Castelld undertook an edition in 8yo, not completed. 2o 460 BIBLI06BAPHT 1626. Editio Princeps HISTORIA I DE LA VIDA | DEL BUSCON, LLA- MADO I DON PABLOS ; EXEMPLO | de Vagamundos, y espejo | de Tacafios. | Por don Francisco de Quevedo Vil- legas, Cavcdlero \ de la Orden de Santiago, y senor de \ luan Abad. I V I CON LICENCIA. | En 9orago^a. Por Pedro Verges, a los Sena- 1 les, Ano 1626. | 3 ff. + 85 ff. 8to. Aprobacion, April 29, 1626; Licencia del Ordenario, May 2, 1626, to Roberto Duport Librero. (Br. Mus.) In Estevan de Peralta's aprobacion the story is referred to as << notable por la ensenan9a de las costumbres, sin ofensa alguna de la Religion." Other eds. : Valencia 1627, Chrysostomo Garriz, Svo. 4 ff. + 104 ff. ; and Barcelona, 1627 Loren90 Deu, dedi- cated by Roberto Duport, "A Don Fray Juan Ag^- tin de Funes, Cauallero | de la Sagrada Religion de San Juan Bautista de | lerusalen, en la Castellania de Am- posta, I del Reyno de Aragon." I (Ticknor Coll.) 5ff.+ 83 ff. Lisboa, 1630, Svo, (Salvi) ; Pamplona, 1631, 8vo, Carlos de Labkyen; Lisboa, 1632, Svo, Mathias Rod- rigues. Also an edition : EN RUAN, I A costa de CARLOS OSMONT, | en calle del Palacio. | M.DC.XXIX. | (*< Anadieronse en essa vltima Impression otros tratados del mismo Autor " viz. Visions and Cavallero de la Tenaza. Svo. This edition led Puibusque to assert gravely the existence of a second picaresque tale by Quevedo, entitled Historia de la vida del huscon llamado Ruan, confusing the place with the rogue's name. (See Hist, compar^e des lit. esp. et fran9., Paris, 1S43.) The Buscon appeared also in collections of Quevedo's works, e.g., the Ensenanza entretenida i donairosa morali- BIBLIOGRAPHY 461 d (Sole quid Lucidius. ecc. 17) IN VENETIA, | MDCXXXIV. | Presso Giacomo Scaglia | 7 ff . + 137 &. Dedication dated Feb. 21, 1634. (Br. Mus.) ENGLISH 1657. First Version of Buscon • THE I LIFE 1 AND | ADVENTURES | OF | BUS- CON I the Witty Spaniard. \ Put into English by a Person of Honour. | To which is added, The | PROVIDENT KNIGHT. I By Don Francisco de Quevedo, A Spanish | Cavalier: | London, Printed by J. M. for Henry Herring- man, and I are to be solde at his Shop at the Anchor in New- 1 Exchange in the Lower-Walk, 1657. 4 ff. + 288 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) , 2%« same. * The Second Edition.' Printed for Henry Herringman, at the Blew | Anchor in the Lower Walk of the New-Exchange. \ MDCLXX. | 247 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) 464 BIBL106EAFHT 1683. Abridged Version The Famous | HISTORY | OF | Aaristella, | Origi- nally Written | By Don Gonsalo de Cepedes. \ TO- GETHER I With the Pleasant STORY | OF | PAUL of Segovia, \ BY | Don Francisco de Quevedo. \ Translated from the Spanish | LONDON, | Printed for Joseph Hind- marsh, Book- 1 seller to his Royal Highness, at the | Black Bull in Cornhil, 1683. | 3 ff. -f 3—140 pp. 12mo. Pablos begins p. 66, much compressed, omits AlcaU experiences and ends with letter to hangman at p. 122. ''On the Qualities of a Marriage," etc., follows. John Stevens' Translation. 1707 THE I Comical Works | OF | Don Francisco de Que- vedo, I AUTHOR I OF THE | VISIONS : | CONTAIN. ING, I . . • The Life of Paul the Spanish Sharper. . . . etc. I Translated from the Spanish. | LONDON, Printed and are to be sold by | John Morphew near Stationers- Hall, 1707. I Front. + 6 ff . + 564 pp. Pablos occupies pp. 159-347 inclusive. The first piece in book is " The Night- Adventurer, or the Day-Hater," not by Quevedo,' but simply Salas Barbadillo's Don Diego de Noche of Madrid, 1623, and included here in imitation of its in- clusion in French redactions of the Visions after that of 1645 at Rouen. Dedication of all to Joseph Hodges, son to Sir Wm. Hodges, Bart., whose family is said to have just returned from Spain. (Br. Mus.) Reprinted also in 1709, J. Woodward; and 1742, 12mo. Pedro Pineda, 1743, based on this his translation in the Quevedo*s Works in 3 vols., 8vo, London; as did the Edinburgh, Mundell & Son, 1798 edition in 3 vols.; the version in Thomas Roscoe's Spanish Novelists, 1832 ; BIBLIOGRAPHY 455 that in the " Romancist and Novelist's Library," Vol. II., 1841, and H. E. Watts* Pablo de Segovia^ the Spanish Sharper, of 1892. GERMAN "Der abenteuerliche Buscon, eine kurzweilige Ge- schichte (French and Grerman) mit angehangten Schreiben des Ritters der Sparsamkeit." Frankfort, 1671. 12mo. (Grasze.) In 1781 by Fred. Just. Bertuch in Bd. II. of Magazin der Spanischen und Portug. Litteratur, Dessau; and anonymously Hamburg, 1789, 8vo (Grasze) ; and in Bd. n., SiEimmlung Spauischer Original-Romane, Urschrift und iibersetzt von J. G. Keil, 8vo, Gotha, 1810-1812; as Leben des Erzschelms genannt don Paul, von Franc, de Quevedo Villegas; and in 1842 in Vol. T. of Bibl. der vorzilgl. Belletristiker des Auslandes, etc., etc. DUTCH Vermakelyke historie van den koddigen Buscon. In *t Spaansch beschreven door Don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas ... In *t Nederduytsch vertaalt. Amsterdam, by Jan ten Hoorn, Boekverkoper, woonende tegenover bet Heeren Logement in den Historyschrijver, 1699. 173 pp. 8vo. In De vol-geestige werken van Don Franciso de Quevedo Villegas, Spaansch Bidder. Amsterdam, Joh. Sluyter en Son., n. d., 2 vols., 12mo. (ten Brink.) " Hollebollige Buscon," Amsterdam, 12mo. (n. d.) (Grasze.) ^ 1627 "Suenos y Discursos de verdades descubridoras de Abusos, Vicios, y Engafios en todos los Oficios, y Estados 466 BIBLI06RAPHT del Mundo . . . Valencia, 1627." Aprobacion, May 10, 1627, Lioencias of May 14 and Jane 3. Editions of Barcelona, 1627; Qarag09a, 1627, Pedro Cabarte; Barcelona, 1628, Pedro Lacayaller/a; then : 1629 DESVELOS I SONOLIENTOS I Y DISCVRSOS | DE VERDADES | SOl^ADAS : | Descubri doras de abnsos, yicios, y enganos, | en todos los oficios, y estados | del mundo. | :EN DOZE DISCVRSOS. \ PRIMER A, Y SEGVNDA PARTE. | Por don Francisco de Queuedo ViUegas, | . . . Aiio •*• 1629. | Con Licencia y Prioilegio : En Barcelona, Por PE-|DRO LA CAVALLERIA, en la calle den | Arlet, Junto la Libreria. | 8 ff. + 168 ft. 8yo. (Br. Mus.) Ruan, a costa de Carlos Osmont, 1629 (together with the Buscon). Lisboa, por Luis de Souza, 1629. 8yo. Altered as logvetes de la nifiez, y travessuras de el ingenioy Madrid, 1629. Pamplona, Carlos de Labdyen, 1631. Ivgvetes, etc., Madrid, 1631; Sevilla, Andres Grande, 1634 ; Barcelona, Lorenzo Deu, 1635; Barcelona, P. Laca- valleria, 1635; Sevilla, Francisco de Lira, 1641. Suenos in Ensenanza entretenida, Madrid, Carrera, 1648; in Primera parte de las obras en prosa, Madrid, Pedro Coello, 1649; in Ensenanza, Lisboa, Craesbeeck, 1657; in Obras, Madrid, Carrera, 1650; Perpifian, 1679, etc., etc. Ivgvetes, Barcelona, 1695, etc. FRENCH «Les yiflions de don Francisco de Quevedo Yillegas, BIBLIOGRAPHY 457 tradoites de Tespagnol par le sieur de la Geneste." Paris, chez Pierre Billaine, 1633. 12ino. Other edits: Paris, 1634; Blois, 1637; Lyon, 1639; Paris, 1640 and 1641; Rouen, 1645 and 1647; Paris, 1647; Rotterdam, 1653; Rouen, 1655; Cahors, 1655; Paris and Brussels, 1667; Rouen, 1683; Lyon, 1686; Brusselles, in (Euvres chez Josse de Grieck, 1699; as Les Nuits Sevillanes, Bruxelles, 1700 ; Cologne, 1711 ; 1718, Bruxelles, etc., etc. DUTCH Seven Wonderlijcke Gesichten van don. F. de Q. V. Bidder van S. Jaques Ordre ... In 't Nederlands ge- bracht, door Capiteyn Haring van Harinxma. Leeu- warden, Fonteyne, 1641. 24mo. (Grasze.) With editions of Amsterdam, 1645 ; Haarlem, 1662 ; Dordrecht, 1668 ; Amsterdam, 1669; the 1645 and 1662 editions entitled Spaensche droomen* ENGLISH The visions of Dom Francisco de Quevedo Villegas, made English by Sir Roger L'Estrange — London, 1667. 8vo. (Guerra y Orbe.) Editions of 1668, 1671, 1673, 1678 (6th edition), 1682 with an apocryphal 2d part, 1688, 1689, 1696, 1702, 1708 (10th edition), 1715, 1745, 1795, etc., etc. ; 1823, 1832 by Wm. Elliot, etc. Visions . . . burlesqued (in verse) by a person of quality, Lond., 1702, 12mo ; and the New Quevedo, or Visions of Charon's Passengers. London, 1702. 12mo. GERMAN Visiones de Don Quevedo, dasist Wunderliche Satyrische nnd Warhafftige Gesichte Philanders von Sittewalt — 1639 — (by Johanu Michael Moscherosch). 468 BIBLIOGHAFHT The same. Straszbarg — Johan-Philipp Miilben, 1642, 8yo. 7 visions — an edition Franckfurt, Anthonio Hnm- men, 1644, 8yo. Jetzo auffs Newe verbessert, in zwey Theil abgetheilet, mit schonen kupffer Stucklein and warhaffter Abbildung der Yisionen zum Erstenmal in Truck verfertiget. Moscherosch's own additions are in- cluded here. Other editions: 1645, 1646-7, 1648, 1649, 1650, etc., etc. In Italian — Scelte delle Visioni, trasportate daU' Idio- ma Spagnuolo, da 6. A. Pazzaglia — 1704, 8vo, and in Latin — (Grasze) Argentorati, 1642, 8vo. The bibliography of Quevedo's Suenos need be given here at no greater length, not only because of its detailed consideration in the first volume of the Obras Completag de Don F, de Q. Villegas — edited by Femiindez-Guerra y Orbe and Menendez y Pelayo, Sevilla, 1897 ; but because the visions themselves are not properly picaresque, though allied to the genre. 1631. Editio Princeps LAS HARPIAS | EN MADRID, Y Ca | che de las Estafas. | POR DON ALONSO \ de Castillo Solor(:ano.\ A DON FRANCISCO MAZA, | de Rocamora, Conde de la Granxa, Senor de las villas de Moxente, Agos- | to, y Nouelda, &c. | Ano, v 1631. | CON LICENCIA, \ En Barcelona, Por Sebastian de Comie- 1 lias, al Call. F a 8u costa. I Sm. 8vo, 3 ff. + 116 ff. Aprobacion dated August 8, 1631 ; and the church aprobacion, April 8, 1631. (Ticknor Coll.) Very rare — lacking in the Br. Mus. and the Parisian libraries. The second edition was issued at Barcelona, Cormellas, 1633, 8vo. 116 ff. ' Aprobaciones dated August 8 and April 8, 1632. imi^ BIBLIOGRAPHY 469 1632. Editio Princeps LA NISA DE I LOS EMBVSTES | TERESA DE MAN- I CANARES, NATVRAL | de MADRID. | POR DON ALONSO DE | Castillo Solorzano. | A loan Alon- so Martinez de Vera^ cauallero de \ la Orden de Santiago, Tersorero, y Teniente de \ Bayle de la ciudad de Alicante, \ Ano V 1632. | EN BARCELONA. | POR GERONY- MO MARGARIT. | A costa de Juan Sapero Librero,\ 4 ff. + 131 ff. Sm. 8vo. (Bibl. de rArsenal.) Aprobacion, April 19, 1632, and another, Aag. 21, 1632. 1634 (?) "Aventuras del Bachiller Trapaza," etc. — noted by Barrera y Leirado as published at Valencia 1634. In the following edition, the aprobacion dated Zarag09a might indicate a 1635 edition. As the Garduna was its avowed sequel, it must have preceded that, and if An- tonio's statement of 1634 for the Garduna be correct, this must have appeared early that year or before. 1637 AVENTVRAS | DEL BACHILLER | TRAPAZA, QVINTA ESSENCTA | de Embusteros y Maestro de | Embelecadores. | Al iUustrissimo senor Don IVAN | Sanz de Latrks, Conde de Atares, Senor de las i Baronias y Castillos de Latrks, y Xamerregay | y de los Lugares de An9anego, Sieso, | Arto, Belarra, y Escalete, y | Cauallero de la Orden | de Santiago. | POR DON ALONSO DE CASTILLO I SOLORZANO, | CON LICENCIA | En Carag09a: Por Pedro Verges, Ano 1637. | A costa de Pedro Alf ay mercader de libros. | 4 ff . + 157 ff. 8vo. Church approval July 22, 1635 ; and Royal, October 18 and 26, 1635. (Br. Mus.) 460 BIBLIOGRAPHY In his dedication Soldrzano says: *^Obras de este genio se han ofreeido a grandes Principes y Senore$f y no las han desestimado par esso^ antes admitidolaSj y konradolas, que si por la corteza manifestan danayre, su fondo es dar aduertimientoSf y doctrina para re/omwar views, camo lo vsaron los antiguos, escriviendo Fabulas" An edition 1733 Madrid, P. J. Alonso y Padilla, 8yo, called Tercera Impression ; and 1844, Madrid, A. Yenes, 8vo. 1634 (?) ''La Garduna de Sevilla" according to Kicolis An- tonio — Lucronii, 1634, 8vo, and according to Barrera y Leirado {Catdlogo hihliogrdfico y biogrdjico del teatro antiguo espanol, Madrid, 1860, p. 76), Valencia, 1634, 8yo; he adds, ^ Se reimprimio en Logrono, en el mismo ano.** 1642 LA I GARDVlfA DE | SEVILLA, Y ANZVELO | DE LAS BOLSAS. | AL ILVSTRISSIMO SEf^OR | don Martin de Torrellas, y Bardazi, Here- 1 dia, Lnna, y Men- do^a, Andrada, y | Rocaberti, Conde | De Castel Florido, Senor de las Baronias de | Antillon, y de Noballas, villa de la Almol- 1 da, Naual, y Alacon, &c. | POR DON ALONSO DE I Castillo, Solor9ano | Ano {• 1^2. | En Madrid. En la Imprenta del Reyno. | A casta de Do- mingo Sanz de Herran, Mer- 1 ccuier de Ubros, \ 8 fE. + 192 ff. 8vo. Aprobacion, March 29 and May 13, 1642 — Tassa, July 23, 1642. (Bibl. Nat.) The same. 1644. EN BARCELONA. | £n la Emprenta administrada por Sebastian | de Cormellas Mercader. Y a su casta, \ 192 ff. 8yo. (Bibl. de TArsenaL) BIBLIOGRAPHY 461 Aprobacion y Licencia, July 24, 1644 ; and a permission in Latin of August 5, 1644. Other eds. : Quarta impres. 1733, Madrid, P. J. Alonso y Padilla, 8vo. Nueva edicion — 1844, Madrid, Viuda de Jordan e hijos, 8vo, etc. FRENCH 1661. D'Ouyille's translation LA I FOVYNE | DE | SEVILLE, | OV L'HAME- CON I DES BOVRSES. | Traduit de VEspagnol de D. Al(mQo I de Castillo Souor^ano. (sic) \ A PARIS, | chez LOVYS BILAL^^E, au second pilier de la grande | Salle du Palais, au Grand Cesar, | M.DC.LXI. | A VEC PRIVILEGE DV ROL | 2 ff. + 592 pp. + 1 f . 8vo. (Bibl. Nat.) Privilege Feb. 26, 1661, registry "sur le Liure de la Communaut^," April 8, 1653. Preface explains that after Le Metel Sieur d'Ouville's death, this was found among his papers and is now edited by "un des plus delicats esprits du sifecle," viz., Boisrobert, d'Ouville's brother-in-law. The promise of the second part is made, provided it be discovered and the reader ap- prove this first installment. The conclusion of the story is modified also to admit a continuation, for where the Spanish declares that Rufina and Jaime spend the rest of their lives in the silk shop at Saragossa in acts of virtue, the French says, "iVbt** les y laisseronsy Sf remet- irons h la seconde partie de ce Liure a vous /aire s^avoir comme Us en sortirent," etc., promising new deceits more agreeable than the preceding. The Spanish chapters are run together, the French work being arranged in 4 Livres. Reprinted as Histoire ei avanture de Dona Rufine, courtesahe de SevillCf traduite pa/r d^Ouville, Paris, 1731, 2 vol. 12ixiQ, I I 462 BIBLIOGRAPHT ENGLISH 1665. Davies' Translation LA PICARA, I OR THE | TRIUMPHS | OF | Fe- male Snbtilty, | Display'd in the A riifices and Impostures of a I Beautiful Womati, who Trappan'd the most | expe- rienc'd Rogues, and made all those uii- 1 happy who thought her handsome ; | Originally, | A Spanish Relation, | En- riched with three Pleasant | NOVELS. | Rendered into English, with some A lie- \ rations and Additions, \ By JOHN DAVIES of KidweUy. | LONDON, | Printed by W. W. for John Starkey, at the Mitre \ within Temple" Bar, 1665. | 4 ff. + 304 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) " Imprimatur, Roger TEstrange, September 30, 1664,** inside title leaf. Dedicated to Sir John Berkenhead, con- fessing it to be taken from the French version. Of Guz- man it is said here, ^ The humour took so well in this Nation, that He and his Rogueries were several times committed to the Press ... he not only trapan'd all he dealt with, but also became a Precedent and Pattern to all those, who, out of necessity, or inclination have been forc'd to live by their shifts, or, as some would have it, by their wits," etc. THE I LIFE I OF | Donna Rosina, \ A | NOVEL, | Being, | A Pleasant Account of the Artifices | and Impos- tures of a Beautiful Woman, | etc. . . . Originally a Spanish Relation, In Three Parts. | Done into English, by the Ingenious Mr. E. W. | a known celebrated AUTHOR. | LONDON, Printed and Sold by B, Harris, \ at the Golden Boards Head in Grace Church- \ Street. Price One Shilling I (n. d., circa 1700.) 2 ff. + 158 pp. + 2 ff. 12mo. (Br. Mus.) A compression of 1665 edition, novels omitted, and Rosina and Jaimo hanged at close. BIBLIOGRAPHY 463 1717. Version of L'Estrange and Ozell THE I Spanish Pole-Cat: | OR, THE | ADVEN- TURES I OF I Seniora Rufina; \ In Four BOOKS, | etc. Begun to he Translated \ By Sir Roger L* Estrange ; And Finished, | By Mr. OZELL. | LONDON, Printed for E, Curll in | Fleet Street ; and W. Taylor in PaUr- \ Nos- ter-Row, 1717. Price 4*. | (Br. Mus.) Frontispiece + 1 f . + 394 pp. + 2 pp. 12mo. No preface. A new translation. Frontispiece, a Roman scene not pertinent. Reprinted as : Spanish Amusements: \ OR, THE | ADVENTURES | Of that Celebrated Courtezan \ Seniora RUFINA | CALL'D, The | Pole-Cat of SevUle, \ etc In Six NOVELS. I ... The SECOND EDITION. | LON- DON: I Printed for H. CURLL in the Strand, 1727. | (Price 4s.) \ Frontis. + 2 pp. + 394 pp. + 2 pp. 12nio. Same as above. Novels of Garduna published separately as : Three Ingenious Spanish \ NOVELS: | NAMELY, | I. The Loving REVENGE : | Or, Wit in a WOMAN. | IL The Lucky ESCAPE : Or, The | JILT Detected, i in. The Wit^ EXTRAVAGANT : Or, The Fortunate LOVER. I Translated with Advantage. | By a Per- son of Quality. | The Second Edition. | LONDON : | Printed for E. Tracy at the Three Bibles \ on London Bridge, 1712. | (Br. Mus.) Front. + 2 ff. -f 162 pp. 12mo. First story here is third of Garduna ; second story here is first of Garduna ; third story here is second of Garduna. This is John Davies* Translation, although his titles for the stories were closer to the original — and in the Spanish order — All Covets All Lose; The Knight of the Marigold; the Trepanner Trepanned. 464 BIBLIOGRAPHr DUTCH 1725 HET I LEVEN | VAN | RUFFINE, | OF HEX | WESELTJE I VAN | SIVILIEN. | Behelzende veele Wonderbaare | listige Bedriegeryen, en Dief- | staUen ; vermengt met yerscheide Seltsame Trouw- 1 gevallen. In het Spaans Beschreven, door | ALONCO DE CASTILLO SOARCANO. I TE AMSTERDAM, | By GERRIT BOS, Boekyerkoper, in | de Kalverstraat, by de Kapel, 1725. I 7 ff. + 440 pp. 8vo. (Br. Mus.) 1641. Editio Princeps EL DIABLO I COIVELO. | NO VELA DE LA| OTRA VIDA. I TRADVZIDA A ESTA | por Luis Velez de Gue-|uara. | A LA SOMBRA DEL | Excel- entissimo Seiior Don Rodrigo de Sandoual, de Silua, de Mendo9a, y de la | Cerda, Principe de Melito, Duque de Pastrana, de Estremera, y Erancauila, Marques | de Al- gecilla, Senor de las Villas de Val-{daracete, y de la casa de Silua | en Portugal, &c. | En Madrid, en la Imprenta del Reyno. 1641. | A costa de Alonso Perez Librero del I Rey nuestro senor. | 8 ff. + 135 ff. Sm. Svo. Latest Privilege, Dec. 17, 1640. (Bodleian.) Other eds. : 1646, Madrid, Imprenta del Reyno, 8vo ; Barrera y Leirado and Brunet speak of Barcelona edit, of 1646, 8vo ; an edition Barcelona, Antonio de la Caval- leria, with Aprobacion 1680, 8yo; Tercera Impression 1733, Madrid, P. J. Alonso y Padilla; 1779, Barcelona, Carlos Giberty Tutd, 8yo; 1812, Madrid, 8yo; 1817, Bcu^ deos, 16mo ; 1828, Paris, 32mo, etc., etc. FRENCH, Etc. Le diable boiteuz of Alain Ren^ Le Sage, 1707, Paris, ^^ BIBLIOGRAPHY 465 Barbin, 12mo; 2d edit. 1707, Barbin, 12mo; 3d, 1707, Lyon, A. Briasson ; 1707, Amsterdam, Desbordes. En- larged 1726, Paris, Veuve Ribou ; 1727 Paris, as well as 1736, 1737, 1755, 1765, 1779, and 1786; 1739 and 1747 Amsterdam, 1797 Dijon, etc. ; and thirty editions in 19th century. The Devil upon Crutches, 1748, London, J. Osborn; The Devil upon Two Sticks, 1783, Edinburg, etc. Into Spanish as El observador noctumo 6 el Diablo Cojuelo, etc. 1812, Madrid, Benito Cano ; and Paris and Perpignan, 1824. But all of these are a far remove from the Spanish original, thus effectually displaced in popu- lar favor abroad by Le Sage's rifacimento. 1644. Editio Princeps EL SIGLO I PITAGORICO, | Y vida de D. Gregoriol Guadafia. | Dedicado a Monsenor \ FRANCOIS BAS- SOMPIERRE, I Marques de Harouel, Caballero de las Hordenes \ de su Magestad Cristianissimaj Mariscal \ de Francia, y Coronet general \ de los Suisses, | POR | Anto- nio Henrriquez Gomez. | EN ROAN, | En la emprenta de LAVRENS M AVRRY. | Ano de 1644. | CON LI- CENCIA. I 8 ff. + 268 pp. 4to. (Br. Mus.) 5th transmigration, pp. 45-151 inclusive, is the picar- esque Vida de D, Gregorio Guadana, The same. Segunda Edicionj purgada de las Erra- tas Ortographicas \ •> | Segun el Exemplar | EN RO- HAN, I De la Emprenta de LAVRENTIO M AVRRY. | M.DC.LXXXIL I 4 ff. + 284 pp. 4to. Dedicated to D. Gaspar Marques Barbaran. (Br. Mus.) The same, EN BRUSELAS, | En Casa de FRAN- CISCO FOPPENS, MDGCXXVn. Front. + 3 ff . 4- 284 pp. 4to. (Bodleian.) Also an edition 1788 Madrid. 8vo. 2h 466 BIBLIOGRAFHT 1646. Editio Princeps LA I VIDA I HECHOS | DE | ESTEVANILLO GONZALEZ, I Hombre de buen humor. | Compuesto por el mesmo. \ Dedicada k el Exoelentissimo Senor OCTAVIO PICOLOMINI DE ARAGON, Duque | de Amalfi, Conde del Sacro Romano Impe-| rio, Senor de Nachot, Cavallero de la Orden | del Tuson de Oro, del Coiisejo de Estado i | guerra, Gentilhombre de la Camara, Capi-|tan de la guardia de los archeros, Maris- cal de I Campo General, i Coronel de CavaUeria i Li-|fan- teria de la Magestad Cesarea, i Govemador | general de las armas i exercitos de su Magestad | Catholica en los Estados de Flandes. | EN AMBERES, | En casa de la Viuda de luan Cnobbart. 1646. | 8 ff . + 382 pp. + 4 pp. 4to. Suma del Privilegio, June 28, 1646. (Bod- leian.) Other edits. : 1652, Madrid, Gregorio Rodriguez, sm. 8vo ; 1720, Madrid, Juan Sanz, 8vo ; 1729, Madrid, P. J. Alonso y Padilla, 8yo ; 1795, Madrid, Ramon Ruiz, sm. 870. ENGLISH In The Spanish Libertines : etc. Captain John Ste- vens, London, Samuel Bunchley, 1707. (See ante, p. 431.) Estevanillo occupies 273 pages, and is translated in full and with great spirit, divided into 15 chapters, the Spanish arrangement retained up to the eleventh. All the verses of the original are suppressed except in two places. The piece is the last of the novels in the collection, and only followed by the comedy. An Evening's Adventures. Ste- vens speaks of Estevanillo in terms of high praise. wm "• pi.^ BIBLIOGRAPHY 4fft FRENCH 1734. Le Sage Histoire d'Estevanille Gonzales, surnomm^ le gar9on de bonne humeur, tir^e de TEspagnol par Monsieur Le Sage, Paris, chez Prault, 1734, 2 v., 12mo, and reprinted 1754, 12ino; not even an imitation of the above, borrowing but slightly from it, in spite of the appropriation of the title. See my text. 1652 . ** La Yida del Conde de Matisio." Juan de Zavaleta. Ist edition, 1652 (inaccessible). Then reprinted in 1667 with : OBRAS I EN PROSA, | DE | DON IVAN | DE ZAVALETA. | CORONISTA | DEL REY NVES- TRO SESrOR.\ POR EL MISMO ASADIDAS. | Y POR EL DEDICADAS | AL | ILVSTRISSIMO SESOR I CONDE I DE VILLAVMBROSA. | DEL CONSEIO SVPREMO DE CASTILLA, | en su Real Camara. I Y PRESIDENTE DEL REAL CONSEIO DE HAZIENDA, | y sus Tribunales. | CON PRIVI- LEGIO, En Madrid. Por Andres Garcia de la Iglesia, \ Afio de 1667. | A costa de luan Martin Merinero, Mer- cader de Libros. Vendese en su | casa en la Puerta del Sol. I 4 fE. + 490 pp. (double columns.) 4to. Censura, Oct. 4, 1666; Privilegio, Nov. 16, 1666. (Bibl. Nationale.) Ist piece here is Teatro del hombre, el hombre, with subtitle (after a Gongoristic introduction), Ft, son temps, son auvre poliiique et liu^aire, Paris, 1866. Especially here L'Espagne picartsquef p. 254 et seg. ^. Chasles, Philar^te, Etudes sur VEspagne et sur les influences de la litt^rature Espagnoi en France et en Italic, Paris, 1847. Claretie, L^, Le Sage romancier, d'apres de nouoeauxdocth ments, Paris, 1890. ComhiU Magazine (yoI. 31, p. 670 et seq.). The Spanish Comic Novel : Lazarillo de Tormes. beutsche Jahrb. JUr PdiL und Litt. (HL, p. 411 «t seq.), Mendoza's Lazarillo de Tormes und die Bettler- und Schelmen-Romane der Spanier, Berlin, 1862. Damaine, C. B., Essai sur la vie et les esuvres de Cervantes, d*aprh un travail inddit de Luis Carreras, Paris, 1896. t)anlop, John Colin, History of Prose Fiction, ed. H. Wil- son, 1888. Farinelli, Arturo, Die Beziehungen zwischen Spanien und Deutschland in der Litteratur, Berlin, 1892. Fernandez de Navarrete, Eustaquio, Bosquejo historico sobre la novela espanola (BiJbl, de out. espanoles, yoI. 33). , Martin, Vida de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Madrid, 1819. Fonmel, Victor, Preface to Le Roman Comique, ed. P. Jannet, Paris, 1857. Gallardo, Bartolom^ Jos^, Ensayo de una bibUoteca espa- fiola de libros raros y curiosos, 4 Yols., Madrid, 1862, 1866-87. ^^ Garriga, Francisco JaYier, Estudio de la novela picarescOf Madrid, 1891. Criiisze, J. G. T., LehHmch einer aUgemeiner Literdt' geschichte^ Dresden, 1837-59. TT^ AUTHOEITIES 478 Haacky Gustay, Untersuchungen zur QueUenkunde van Lesages Gil Bias de Sandllane, Kiel, 1896. Hazafias y la Rua, Joaquin, Mateo AUman, Seyilla, 1892. Kelley, James Fitzmaurice, Phantano^CratumiMa sive Homo Vitreus. In Revtie Hispaniquey voL lY., p. 45 et geq. Paris, 1897. Koerting, Ueinrich, GescMchUdtsfranzSsischen Roman»im 17Un Jahrkundert, Oppeln u. Leipzig, 1891. Llorente, Juan Antonio, Observaciones cnUcoi sobre el romance de Gil Bias de SandUanay Madrid, 1822. Harchena, Josef, Lecciones deflosofia moral y elocuenciny Burdeos, 1820. Men^ndez y Pelayo, Marcelino, Notas y adiciones to the Obras eompUtas de Don Francisco de Quevedo ( Tomo Primero)f edited by Guerra y Orbe. Sevilla, 1897. Menm^e, Ernest, Essai sur la vie et Us otuvres de Francisco de Quevedoj Paris, 1886. . Morel-Fatio, Alfred, Mtudes sur PEspagne, Paris, 1888.